Introduction
Exploration and Early Settlement
Captain Tench's Description of his 1791 Explorations
Relationship with the Native Inhabitants
Public Agriculture: Old Toongabbie, Portland Place and Castle Hill
Governor King's Correspondence on Public Agriculture
Collins: Early Problems with the Irish
The Castle Hill Rebellion and the Battle of Vinegar Hill
Exploration of the Grose River in September, 1793
The Hawkesbury: Early Settlement
Terms of the Early Governor's of N.S.W.
The Hawkesbury: Governor John Hunter
The Hawkesbury: Governor Philip Gidley King
Natural Disasters Part 1: Earthquakes & the Floods of 1806
The Hawkesbury: Governor William Bligh
The Intended Insurrection of 1807
Natural Disasters Part 2: the Hurricane of 1808 & the Floods of 1809
Portland Head
Andrew Thompson
Population Growth: 1796 to 1821
The Hawkesbury: Governor Lachlan Macquarie
Macquarie's Windsor Sewer / Drain
Public Works under Macquarie
Transport
Macquarie's Correspondence on Turnpike Roads
Newspaper Reports on Howe's Bridge over South Creek
Development along the Old Windsor Road
Kellyville
Richard Rouse of Rouse Hill
John Bowman and the Bowman Flag
William Cox of Clarendon
Thomas Arndell of Caddai
Archibald Bell of Belmont, Richmond Hill
Bushfires: "The Whole Country has been Ablaze"
Tobacco: Its Cultivation, Import Duties and the Economy
Reports of a Possible French Invasion
Matrimonial Overture
Sale of Wife at Windsor
Violent Robbery in the District of Pitt Town
1826: Crime and Punishment in Windsor
The Hawkesbury as an Early Tourist Destination
Population of Different Regions from the Census of 1825
Return of Average Attendances at Public Schools in N.S.W. in 1826
Some of the Major Land Grants in Northwestern Sydney
Bibliography
During the early 1980's, forward planning for Sydney's North West Sector became necessary to cater for the rapidly growing population of Australia's largest city. The outcome of this process was a decision to proceed with the Rouse Hill Development. Other areas were identified for future urban expansion.
Sydney Into Its Third Century was issued as the metropolitan strategy for the Sydney region in 1988.
Sydney's Future, a discussion paper, was released in October, 1993. An increase in the population of the Greater Metropolitan Region (the Sydney, Newcastle and Wollongong regions) to 5.2 million has been proposed by the year 2011. To support these proposals, an Integrated Transport Strategy has also been prepared.
Inevitably, further modifications will occur on an ongoing basis.
This book will examine the first thirty five years of planning and development of the Hawkesbury and Sydney's North West Sector. It will be seen that many of the issues requiring consideration in our times are identical to those which arose in an earlier era. Infrastructure (such as towns, roads, bridges, traffic management, hospitals, schools, courts, churches, cemeteries, water supply) needed to be provided and funded. Environmental issues (river bank stabilisation, tree preservation, waste disposal, water pollution) needed to be addressed. Natural disasters (floods, bushfires and earthquakes) had to be coped with. Social issues (crime and its punishment, rehabilitation of ex-criminals, official corruption, employment, social welfare, alcoholism, Aboriginal land rights, multiculturalism and even republicanism) were of vital concern.
It was a time of great change, and, for some, great opportunity.
History consists, at its most basic level, of the actions (and sometimes inaction) of individuals, and of their interactions with other individuals, both black and white, male and female. Those individuals are driven to differing degrees by a variety of forces; by their faith, their sense of duty and responsibility, by ambition or greed, by fear, by desperation, and even by hunger. They had their strengths and their weaknesses, just as we do. We can learn by studying their lives.
Mistakes were undoubtedly made, but much can be learnt from both the successes and failures of Sydney's first planners and developers, if we are willing to make the effort.
The major problems facing the colony following its foundation on 26th January, 1788, were the establishment of an ongoing food supply, adequate fresh water and relationships with the native population. The numbers of sheep and cattle were reduced by disease and the eating of poisonous grass. Cattle strayed off and the first wheat crop at Farm Cove was a failure. Rabbits were brought with the First Fleet as a self-replicating source of food but by July 1788 their numbers had been reduced to five. The loss of H.M.S. Sirius off Norfolk Island aggravated the situation further as Phillip was left with only one small vessel as a link with England, or other sources of supplies.
Realising the need for good agricultural land, Phillip set about organising a series of expeditions to explore the region. Captain John Hunter and Lieutenant William Bradley led an expedition up what is now known as the Parramatta River on 5th February, 1788, as far as Homebush Bay. Ten days later, Phillip led an expedition as far as Duck River. It was not for another two months that the Parramatta River was explored as far as the present site of Parramatta. Phillip established the settlement at Rose Hill on 2nd November, 1788. (The name was not changed to Parramatta until 4th June, 1791.) This account is given to explain the difficulties of exploration at the time, with travel along waterways being by far the easiest method of transport.
The first settlement at Rose Hill was located in what is now Parramatta Park. In March, 1789, Edward Dodd was sent to Rose Hill. With one hundred convicts under his supervision, the land was cleared, crops planted and buildings constructed. This was followed by the laying out of the town. Development of Parramatta outstripped that of Sydney. By the end of 1791, the population had increased to 1,818, of whom 1,669 were convicts.
On 8th June, 1789, Phillip followed the coast north from Manly Cove to Broken Bay, exploring several of its various branches before exploring the Hawkesbury River for a distance of twenty miles..
A second expedition up the Hawkesbury was commenced on 28th June, 1789. Phillip was accompanied by Captains Hunter, Collins and George Johnston and Surgeon White. The First and Second Branches of the river were explored. (These subsequently became the MacDonald and Colo Rivers respectively).
By 5th July the party had reached the foot of Richmond Hill, which was named after the Duke of Richmond, a member of the Pitt administration. The following day they planted "a few potatoes, Indian corn, melon and other seeds". The party was able to proceed as far as the junction of the Hawkesbury and Grose Rivers before returning to Sydney. The journey had taken 16 days.
During this time they became well aware both of the dangers of flooding and of its future potential, as can be evidenced from Phillip's report to Lord Sydney:
Government House,
Sydney Cove,
February 13th, 1790.
My Lord,
...After having been several times with the boats to Broken Bay, in order to examine the different branches in that harbour, a river was found, but the want of provisions obliged us to return without being able to trace it to its source, which has since been done; and in the sixteen days we were then out all those branches which had any depth of water were traced as far as the boats could proceed.The river, which I named Hawkesbury, after the Lord Hawkesbury, is laid down in the chart from an eye-sketch made by Captain Hunter, as we rowed up it. The breadth of this river is from three hundred to eight hundred feet, and it appears from the soundings we had to be navigable for the largest merchant ships to the foot of Richmond Hill; but as the water near the head of the river sometimes rises, after very heavy rains, thirty feet above its common level, it would not be safe for ships to go far up; but fifteen or twenty miles below Richmond Hill, they would lay in fresh water and perfectly safe. I speak of Richmond Hill as being the head of the river, it there growing very shallow, and dividing into two branches (the Nepean and the Grose).
The high rocky country which forms Broken Bay is lost as you proceed up the Hawkesbury, and the banks of the river are then covered with timber, the soil a rich light mould, and judging from the little we saw of the country, I should suppose it good land to a very considerable extent; the other branches of fresh water are shoal, but probably run many miles further into the country than we could trace them with our boats. On these rivers we saw great numbers of wild ducks and some black swans; and on the banks of the Hawkesbury several decoys made by the natives for to catch the quail.
Richmond Hill (near the foot of which a fall of water prevented our proceeding further with the boats) is the southern extremity of a range of hills, which, running to the northward, most probably join the mountains which lay nearly parallel to the coast, from fifty to sixty miles inland. The soil of Richmond Hill is good, and it lays well for cultivation. Our prospect from the hill was very extensive to the southward and eastward, the country appearing, from the height at which we were, to be a level covered with timber; there is a flat of six or seven miles between Richmond Hill and a break in the mountains, which separates Lansdown and Carmarthen Hills; and in this flat I suppose the Hawkesbury continues its course, but which could not be seen for the timber that, with very few exceptions, covers the country wherever the soil is good.
The great advantages of so noble a river, when a settlement can be made on its banks, will be obvious to your Lordship.
Broken Bay has been described in my former letters. Pitt-water as having eighteen feet at low water over a bank which lays over its entrance; and the south-west branch, as well as the western branch, which runs of from it (and leads to the Hawkesbury), as having water for the largest ships, and affording perfect security for a thousand sail; the north-west branch has only water for very small vessels. There is no danger going into this harbour but what is pointed out in the chart.
The settlement I had the honour of mentioning to your Lordship as made at Port Jackson, near the head of the harbour [Rose Hill], very fully answers my expectations; the soil is exceedingly good, lays well for cultivation, and is well watered. Six miles to the southward there is a small fresh-water river; and twenty miles to the westward there is a more considerable river, the source of which I suppose to be at the foot of the mountains. The banks of this river, which most probably empties itself into the Hawkesbury, are high; the soil a good light mould and covered with trees; the wood of some of these trees is very light; they are about the size of large walnut-trees, which they resemble; they shed their leaves, and bear a small fruit which is said to be wholesome. This river likewise frequently rises thirty feet above its common level; it is, as far as I have seen it, from three hundred to four hundred feet in breadth. I named it the Nepean, and its source will be traced in the course of the winter; and from its banks I hope to reach the mountains, which has been attempted by a party who crossed the river, but after the first day's journey they met with such a constant succession of deep ravines, the sides of which were frequently inaccessible, that they returned, not having been able to proceed more than fifteen miles in five days; when they turned back they supposed themselves to be twelve miles from the foot of the mountains.
As the land for several miles to the southward, and twenty miles to the westward of Rose Hill, that is to the banks of the Nepean, is as fine land for tillage as most in England (some few particular spots excepted, the soil of which is poor, but bears a very small proportion to the good land). I propose that tract of land for those settlers which may be sent out; and though they will be placed at some distance from each other, for the conveniency of water (from one to two and three miles), they will have nothing to apprehend from the natives, who avoid those parts we most frequent, and always retire at the site of two or three people who are armed.
As the labour of clearing the ground of timber will be great, I think each settler should not have less than twenty men on his farm, which I suppose to be from five hundred to one thousand acres; it will be necessary to give that number of convicts to those settlers who come out, and to support them for two years from the public stores; in that time, if they are in any way industrious - and I do not think they will be able to do it in less time - at the expiration of the two years, they may return half the convicts they have been allowed, and would want no further assistance from the Government... (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 1, part 2, pp.305-306)
Tench, Arndell and four others left Rose Hill in late June, 1789, and travelled due west until they reached the current site of Penrith. There they discovered the Nepean River.
In April, 1791, Phillip, accompanied by Captains Collins and Tench, Surgeon White, Dawes, three gamekeepers, two sergeants, eight privates and two Aboriginals named Colbee and Boladeree, travelled by land to the Hawkesbury, but were unable to reach Richmond Hill as they were blocked by South Creek. They returned to Rose Hill.
Further exploration proved Phillip's expectation that the Nepean and Hawkesbury were the same river. (Sydney's First Four Years. Watkin Tench: pp. 223-235 - see below)
Phillip again reported to Under Secretary Nepean, on 17th June, 1790, that settlement of the Hawkesbury should be deferred :
The river Hawkesbury will, I make no doubt, offer some desirable situations, and the great advantages of a navigable river are obvious; but before a settlement can be made there proper people to conduct it must be found, and we must be better acquainted with the country. Settlers may be sent there hereafter, but then we must have small craft to keep up communication. (H.R.A. series 1, vol. 1, p. 183)
Phillip adhered to this decision up to the time of his departure from the colony in December, 1792, his concerns remaining the transport of supplies and produce, the potential for conflict with the Aboriginal population and law enforcement in such a distant locality.
A detailed description of exploration under Phillip can be found in the Journal of R.A.H.S. vol. 12, pages 1 to 40, by Prof. G.A. Wood. Further details can be found in An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, by David Collins; Sydney's First Four Years, by Captain Watkin Tench; and An Historical Journal 1787-92, by Captain John Hunter.
Captain Watkin Tench described his journeys of exploration in his 1793 book Sydney's First Four Years.(pp. 223-238) His narrative gives an indication of the difficulties faced by Europeans in unfamiliar territory, as well as their attitudes to both the land and its native inhabitants:
In April, 1791, an expedition was undertaken, in order to ascertain whether or not the Hawkesbury and Nepean were the same river. With this in view, we proposed to fall in a little above Richmond Hill, and trace down to it; and if the weather should prove fine, to cross at the ford, and go a short distance westward, then to repass the river, and trace it upwards, until we should either arrive at some spot which we knew to be the Nepean, or should determine by its course, that the Hawkesbury was a different stream.1791. Our party was strong and numerous: it consisted of twenty-one persons, viz. The Governor, Mr. Collins and his servant, Mr. White, Mr. Dawes, the author, three gamekeepers, two serjeants, eight privates, and our friends Colbee and Boladerree. These two last were volunteers on the occasion, on being assured that we should not stay many days, and that we should carry plenty of provisions. Baneelon wished to go but his wife would not permit it. ...
But before we set out, let me describe our equipment, and try to convey to those who have rolled along on turnpike roads only, an account of those preparations which are required in traversing the wilderness. - Every man (the Governor excepted) carried his own knapsack, which contained provisions for ten days; if to this be added, a gun, a blanket, and a canteen, the weight will fall nothing short of forty pounds. Slung to the knapsack, are a cooking kettle, and the hatchet, with which the wood to kindle the nightly fire, and build the nightly hut, is to be cut down. Garbed to drag through morasses, tear through thickets, ford rivers, and scale rocks; ...
Thus encumbered, the march begins at sunrise, and with occasional halts, continues until about an hour and a half before sunset. It is necessary to stop thus early to prepare for passing the night, for toil here ends not with the march. ... The traveller now has to collect his fuel, to erect his wigwam, to fetch water, and to broil his morsel of salt pork. Let him then lie down, and if it be summer, try whether the effects of fatigue is sufficiently powerful to overcome the bites and stings of the myriad of sand flies and musquitoes which buz around him.
Monday, April 11, 1791. At twenty minutes before seven o'clock, we started from the governor's house at Rose Hill, and steered* for a short time in a north-east direction ...
[* Our method, on these expeditions, was to steer by compass, noting the different courses as we proceeded; and counting the number of paces, of which two thousand two hundred, on good ground, were allowed to be a mile. At night when we halted, all these courses were separately caste up, and worked by a traverse table, in the manner a ship's reckoning is kept; so that by observing this precaution, we always knew exactly where we were, and how far from home: an unspeakable advantage in a new country, where one hill, and one tree, is so like another, that fatal wanderings would ensue without it. This arduous task was always allotted to Mr. Dawes, who, from habit and superior skill, performed it almost without a stop, or an interruption of conversation; to any other man, on such terms, it would have been impracticable.]
...We expected to have derived from them (their native companions) much information relating to the country; as no one doubted they were acquainted with every part of it between the sea-coast and the river Hawkesbury. We hoped also to have witnessed their manner of living in the woods, and the resources they rely upon in their journies. Nothing of this sort has yet occurred, except their examining some trees, to see if they could discover on the bark any marks of the claws of squirrels or opossums, which they said would shew whether any of those animals were hidden among the leaves or branches. They walked stoutly, appeared but little fatigued, and maintained their spirits admirably, laughing to excess when any of us either tripped or stumbled; misfortunes which much seldomer fell to their lot than ours. At a very short distance from Rose Hill, we found that they were in a country unknown to them; so the farther they went, the more dependent on us they became, being absolute strangers inland. To convey to their understandings the intention of our journey, was impossible. For, perhaps, no word could unfold to an Indian, the motives of curiosity, which induce men to encounter labour, fatigue, and pain, when they might remain in repose at home, with a sufficiency of food. - We asked Colbee the name of the people who live inland, and he called them Boo-roo-ber-on-gal; and said, they were bad; whence we conjectured, that they sometimes war with those on the sea coast, by whom they were undoubtedly driven up the country from the fishing ground, that it might not be overstocked: the weaker here, as in every other country, giving way to the stronger. We asked how they lived. He said, on birds and animals, having no fish. ...
Tuesday, April 12th, 1791. Started this morning at half past six o'clock, and in two hours reached the river. ...The stream at this place is about three hundred and fifty feet wide; and the water pure and excellent to the taste; the banks are about twenty feet high, and covered with trees, many of which had been evidently bent by the force of the current, in the direction in which it runs, and some of them contained rubbish and drift wood in their branches at least forty-five feet above the level of the stream.
April, 1791. Supposing ourselves to be higher on the stream than Richmond Hill, we agreed to trace downwards.. In tracing, we kept as close to the bank of the river, as the innumerable impediments to walking which grow upon it, would allow. We found the country low and swampy.... Having walked nearly three miles we were stopped by a creek which we could neither ford, or fall a tree across (Cattai Creek) ... Our natives continued to hold out stoutly. The hindrances to walking by the river side, which plagued and entangled us so much, seemed not to be heeded by them, and they wound through them with ease; but to us they were intolerably tiresome. Our perplexity afforded them an inexhaustible fund of merriment and derision: - did the sufferer, stung at once with nettles and ridicule, and shaken nigh to death by his fall, use an angry expression to them, they retorted in a moment, by calling him by every opprobrious name which their language affords. [Footnote by Tench: "Their general favourite term of reproach is Go-nin-Pat-ta, which signifies, an eater of human excrement. - Our language would admit a very concise and familiar translation. They have, besides this, innumerable others, which they often salute their enemies with"]
Wednesday, April 13th, 1791...We continued to trace the creek. The country which we passed through yesterday was good and desirable to what was now presented to us: it was in general high and universally rocky... We mounted a hill, and surveyed the contiguous country. To the northward and eastward, the ground was still higher than that we were upon; but in a south-west direction we saw about four miles: the view consisted of nothing but trees growing on precipices; not an acre of it could be cultivated...About two o'clock we reached the head of the creek; passed it, and scrambled with infinite toil and difficulty to the top of a neighbouring mountain, whence we saw the adjacent country, in almost every direction, for many miles. I record with regret that this extended view presented not a single gleam of chance, which would engage hope, or stimulate industry, to attempt its culture. We had, however, the satisfaction to discover plainly the object of our pursuit, Richmond Hill, distant about eight miles, in a contrary direction from what we had been proceeding upon. It was readily known to those who had been up the Hawkesbury in the boats, by a remarkable cleft or notch which distinguishes it. It was now determined that we should go back to the head of the creek, and pass the night there; and in the morning cut across the country to that part of the river which we had first hit upon yesterday, and hence to trace it upwards, or to the left. - But, before I descend, I must not forget to relate, that to this pile of desolation... his excellency was pleased to give the name of Tench's Prospect Mount.
Thursday, April 14th, 1791. We started early and reached the river in about two hours and a half... Here we began to trace upward. We had not proceeded far, when we saw several canoes on the river. Our natives made us immediately lie down among the reeds, while they gave their countrymen the signal to approach. After much calling, finding that they did not come, we continued our progress until it was again interrupted by a creek [Bardenarang Creek], over which we threw a tree, and passed upon it. While this was doing, a native, from his canoe, entered into conversation with us, and immediately after, paddled to us, with a frankness and confidence, which surprized every one. He was a man of middle age, with an open cheerful countenance, marked with the small pox, and distinguished with a nose of uncommon magnitude and dignity... We pursued our course, and to accommodate us, our new acquaintance pointed out a path, and walked at the head of us; a canoe, also with a man and boy in it, kept gently paddling up abreast of us. We halted for the night, at our usual hour, on the bank of the river. Immediately that we had stopped, our friend (who had already told us his name) Gom-bee-ree, introduced the man and the boy, from the canoe, to us: the former was named Yel-lo-mun-dee, the latter Dee-im-ba.... Having refreshed ourselves, we found leisure to enter into conversation with them...What we were able to learn from them was, that they depend but little on fish, as the river yields only mullets, and that their principal support is derived from small animals which they kill, and some roots (a species of wild yam chiefly) which they dig out of the earth.
Friday, April 15th, 1791... Soon after they bade us adieu, in unabated friendship and good humour. Colbee and Boladeree parted from them with a slight nod of the head, the usual salutation of the country; and we shook them by the hand, which they returned lustily.
At the time we started the tide was flowing up the river, a decisive proof that we were below Richmond Hill. We had continued our march but a short time when we were again stopped by a creek (South Creek), which baffled all our endeavours to cross it... We tracked the creek until four o'clock, when we halted for the night...
Saturday April 16th, 1791. It was this morning resolved to abandon our pursuit, and to return home; at hearing of which our natives expressed great joy. We started early; and reached Rose Hill about three o'clock...
RICHMOND HILL
Having eluded our last search, Mr. Dawes and myself, accompanied by a serjeant of marines and a private soldier, determined on another attempt, to ascertain whether it lay on the Hawkesbury or Nepean. We set out on this expedition on the 24th of May, 1791; and having reached the opposite side of the mouth of the creek which had in our last journey prevented our progress, we proceeded from there up to Richmond Hill, by the river side; mounted it; slept at its foot; and on the following day penetrated some miles westward or inland of it, until we were stopped by a mountainous country, which our scarcity of provisions, joined to the terror of a river at our back, whose sudden rising is almost beyond computation, hindered us from exploring. To the elevation which bounded our research, we gave the name of Knight Hill**, in honour of our trusty serjeant, who had been the faithful indefatigable companion of all our travels.
This excursion completely settled the long contested point about the Hawkesbury and Nepean: - we found them to be one river. Without knowing it, Mr. Dawes and myself had passed Richmond Hill almost a year before (in August, 1790), and from there walked on the bank of the river, to the spot where my discovery of the Nepean happened, in June, 1789. Our ignorance arose from never before having seen the hill; and from the erroneous position assigned to it by those who had been in the boats up the river. ** Kurrajong Heights
Early relationships between the Aborigines (Eora and Dharug) and the First Fleeters were amicable but it later became obvious that the newcomers had no respect for native land management. Clearing of the land for farming reduced the Aboriginal food supply. There was also competition for fish, wild ducks and kangaroos as both whites and blacks faced food shortages. Clashes soon occurred as the newcomers were unwilling to share their crops and their livestock.
Phillip was under instructions not to retaliate against Aboriginal attack as little was known about their numbers, technology or social structure. The Europeans were outnumbered and their firearms inaccurate except at close range and sometimes unreliable.
The spread of European settlement was greatly facilitated by an epidemic of smallpox in April, 1789. An epidemic of smallpox had occurred in England in the Eighteenth Century and in 1721 deliberate inoculation of smallpox (variolation) against the native disease was introduced in England from Turkey. (Variolation was replaced by inoculation of cowpox after Jenner's studies were published in 1798.) It appears that thousands of Aboriginals in the Sydney region were killed by this epidemic, and many more disabled. There is still major debate as to the origins of this outbreak and the possibility of misdiagnosis (ie. was it some other disease such as chicken pox taking a more virulent form in a previously unexposed population).
David Collins commented of the epidemic:
In the year 1789 they were visited by a disorder which raged among them with all the appearance and virulence of the small-pox. The number that it swept off, by their own accounts, was incredible. At the time a native was living with us; and on our taking him down to the harbour to look for his former companions, those who witnessed his expression and agony can never forget either. He looked anxiously around him in the different coves we visited; not a vestige on the sand was to be found of a human foot; the excavations in the rocks were filled with the putrid bodies of those who had fallen victims of the disorder; not a living person was anywhere to be met with. It seemed as if, flying from the contagion, they had left the dead to bury the dead. He lifted up his hands and eyes in silent agony for some time; at last he exclaimed, ;All dead! All dead!' and then hung his head in mournful silence, which he preserved during the remainder of our excursion...On visiting Broken Bay, we found that it had not been confined to Port Jackson, for in many places our path was covered with skeletons, and the same spectacles were to be met with in the hollows of most of the rocks of that harbour. Notwithstanding the town of Sydney was at the time filled with children, many of whom visited the natives that were ill with this disorder, not one of them caught it, though a North-American Indian, a sailor belonging to Captain Bell's vessel, the Supply, sickened of it and died. To this disorder they gave a name, Gal-gal-la; and that it was the small-pox there was scarcely a doubt; for the persons affected with it are affected exactly as Europeans are who have that disorder; and on many that had recovered from it we saw the traces, in some the ravages of it on the face. As proof of the numbers of those miserable people who were carried off by this disorder, Bennillong told us, that his friend Cole-be's tribe being reduced by its effects to three persons...they found themselves compelled to unite with some other tribe, not only for their personal protection, but to prevent the extinction of their tribe. (An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales. Vol. 1, pp. 496-7)
Captain Watkin Tench commented:
An extraordinary calamity was now observed among the natives. Repeated accounts brought by our boats of finding bodies of the Indians in all the coves of the harbour, caused the gentlemen of our hospital to procure some of them for the purposes of examination and anatomy. On inspection, it appeared that all the parties had died a natural death: pustules, similar to those occasioned by the small pox, were thickly spread on the bodies; but how a disease, to which our former observations had led us to suppose them strangers, could have at once introduced itself, and have spread so widely, seemed inexplicable. (Sydney's First Four Years. p. 146)
Tench, in a footnote, continued:
No solution of this difficulty had been given when I left the country, in December, 1791. I can, therefore, only propose queries for the ingenuity of others to exercise itself upon: Is it a disease indigenous to the country? Did the French ships under Monsieur de Peyrouse introduce it? let it be remembered that they had now been departed more than a year; and we had never heard of its existence on board of them. - Had it travelled across the continent from its western shore, where Dampier and other European voyagers had formerly landed? - Was it introduced by Mr. Cook? - Did we give it birth here? No person among us had been afflicted with the disorder since we had quitted the Cape of Good Hope, seventeen months before. It is true, that our surgeons had brought out Variolous Matter in bottles; but to infer that it was produced from this cause were a supposition so wild as to be unworthy of consideration.
It must be noted, however, that Tench felt it necessary to deny these allegations.
Phillip reported to Lord Sydney on 13th February, 1790, (H.R.A. series 1, vol. 1, p. 159):
It is not possible to determine the number of natives who were carried off by this fatal disorder. It must be great; and judging from the information of the native now living with us ... one-half of those who inhabit this part of the country died.
David Collins also offered another explanation for the reduced numbers of native inhabitants:
Gaining every day some further knowledge of the inhuman habits and customs of these people, their being so thinly scattered through the country ceased to be a matter of surprise. It was almost daily seen, that from some trifling cause or other they were continually living in a state of warfare; to this must be added their brutal treatment of their women, who are themselves equally destructive to the measure of population, by the horrid and cruel custom of endeavouring to cause a miscarriage, which their female acquaintance effect by pressing the body in such a way, as to destroy the infant in the womb; which violence not infrequently occasions the death of the unnatural mother also. To this they have recourse, to avoid the trouble of carrying the infant about when born, which, when it is very young, or at the breast, is the duty of the woman. The operation for this destructive purpose is termed Mee-bra. The burying of an infant (when at the breast) with the mother, if she should die, is another shocking cause for the thinness of population among them. The fact that such an operation as the Mee-bra was practiced by these wretched people was communicated to me by one of the natives to the principal surgeon of the settlement. (An Account of the English Colony of New South Wales. Vol. 2, p. 90)
The effect of the epidemic was to greatly facilitate exploration. Phillip came across very few Aboriginals when exploring the Hawkesbury in June, 1789.
By February, 1790, conflict between Europeans and Aboriginals was a problem in the Parramatta region and extended to the Hawkesbury following settlement of that region. The Hawkesbury has been described as being in an open state of war between 1795 and 1805.
Captain Paterson, reporting to the Right Hon. Henry Dundas, on 15th June, 1795, stated (H.R.A. series 1, vol. 1, p.499):
The number of settlers on the banks of the Hawkesbury, with their families, amounts to upwards of four hundred persons, and their grounds extend nearly thirty miles along the banks on both sides of the river. They have for some time past been annoyed by the natives, who have assembled in large parties for the purpose of plundering them of their corn; and from the impossibility of furnishing each settler with firearms for his defence, several accidents have happened. Within a few weeks five people have been killed and several wounded. It therefore became absolutely necessary to take some measures which might secure to the settlers the peaceable possession of their estates, and without which, from the alarm these murders have created, I very much feared they would have abandoned the settlement entirely, and given up the most fertile spot which has yet been discovered in the colony. I therefore sent a detachment of two subalterns and sixty privates of the New South Wales Corps to the river, as well as to drive the natives to a distance, as for the protection of the settlers. With this view a subaltern's party is to remain there after the service they are now gone upon is performed. I have just received a report from the commanding officer of the detachment informing me that the night after his arrival at the river the party had fired upon and pursued a large body of natives, who had concealed themselves in the neighbouring woods during the day, and at night came to a settler's farm to plunder it; that he supposes that seven or eight natives were killed, and that he was taking every measure he thought likely to deter them from appearing there again. I now have in my possession one man and four women (natives) who were taken prisoner some short time since at the Hawkesbury from amongst a large party who were plundering the settlers. I mean to keep them until they can be made to understand that it is not in their interest to do us injuries, and that we are readier to be friends than enemies; but that we cannot suffer our people to be inhumanely butchered, and their labour rendered useless by their depredations, with impunity. It gives me concern to have been forced to destroy any of these people, particularly as I have no doubt of their having been cruelly treated by some of the first settlers who went out there; however, had I not taken this step, every prospect of advantage which the colony may expect to derive from a settlement formed on the banks of so fine a river as the Hawkesbury would be at an end.
The commanding officer at the Hawkesbury was Edward Abbott. He was promoted to Captain in 1795 and was invalided to England in September, 1796. He returned to Sydney in 1799, and was granted 1,300 acres by Governor King in 1804 for his part in suppressing the Irish insurrection.
Conflict between the natives and Europeans was inevitable. The Aboriginals were being expelled from part of their land and found their traditional food supply diminishing. The Europeans were in a unaccustomed environment. They were struggling to overcome a shortage of food and supplies, which were threatened by the indigenous population and by flooding.
Governor Hunter, on 22nd February, 1796, was to order;
The frequent attacks and depredations to which the settlers on the banks of the Hawkesbury and other places are liable from the natives renders it indespensably necessary for the general security of the farmers and their families, as well as for the preservation of their crops, that they should on all occasions of alarm mutually afford their assistance to each other by assembling without a moment delay whenever any numerous body of the natives are known to be lurking about the farms. ... If it shall hereafter be known that any settler or other person do withdraw or keep back their assistance from those who may be threatened or of danger of being attack'd, they will be proceeded against as persons disobeying the rules and orders of the settlement...It is proper here also to signify that it is his Excellency's positive injunction to the settlers and others who have firearms that they do not wantonly fire at or take the lives of any of the natives, as such an act would be considered a deliberate murder, and subject the offender to such punishment as (if proved) the law might direct to be inflicted. It has been intimated to the Governor that there have been frequently seen amongst the natives two white men, who it is known have absconded from their duty, and who, it is believed, direct and assist in those acts of hostility by which so many have suffered. It is therefore recommended to all persons in the settlement... that they do by every means in their power to secure them, that they may be disposed of as to prevent their being hereafter troublesome or dangerous. The Governor takes this opportunity of strictly forbidding the settlers from giving any encouragement to the natives to lurk about their farms. There can be no doubt that had they never met with the shelter which some had afforded them they would not at this time have been so very troublesome and dangerous. (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 3, pp. 25-26)
Governor King reported to Lord Hobart on 30th October, 1802, :
... the natives having shown a disposition to become troublesome to the settlers, who, resisting their depredations, all the natives left that district, and soon after plundered many of the settlers, wantonly murdered four white men, and cruelly used some of the convict women at different times. The natives around Sydney and Hawkesbury continued as domesticated as ever, and reprobated the conduct of the natives in the neighbourhood of Parramatta and Toongabbee, who were irritated by an active, daring leader named Pemulwye...Decided measures therefore became necessary to prevent the out-settlers from being robbed and plundered, and to restore the natives to a friendly intercourse...as it is a practice strictly observed among the natives that murder should be atoned by the life of the murderer or someone belonging to him, the natives were told 'that when Pemulwye was given up they should be readmitted to our friendship'. Some time after two settlers, not having the means of securing the persons of Permulwye and another native, shot them. On this event they requested that Permulwye's head might be carried to the Governor...All anger being dropped on their part, they hoped I would allow them to return to Parramatta. Orders were immediately given to that effect and not to molest or ill-treat any native. (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 4, pp. 867-8)
After investigating complaints against the natives by a settler from Portland
Head, Governor King reported, on 20th December, 1804, to Lord Hobart: Wishing to be convinced myself what cause there was for these alarms, three of the natives from that part of the river readily came on being sent for. On questioning the cause of their disagreement with the new settlers they very ingenuously answered that they did not like to be driven from the few places that were left on the banks of the river, where alone they could procure food; that they had gone down the river as the white men took possession of the banks; if they went across white men's grounds the settlers fired upon them and were angry; that if they could retain some places on the lower part of the river they should be satisfied, and would not trouble the white men. The observation appeared to be so just and so equitable that I assured them that no more settlements should be made lower down the river. With that assurance they appeared well satisfied and promised to be quiet, in which state they continue. (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 5, p. 513)
Governor King's attitude to the native population was certainly enlightened in comparison to others of his time but one must speculate on the extent to which his actions were influenced by the rebellion of the Irish convicts which had occurred in March, 1804, and the threat of a repeat of that event. Comparison must also be made between the attitude of the Government to the Aboriginals and the Irish.
Included in William Bligh's Instructions from King George, dated 25th May, 1805, was the following :
You are to endeavour by every possible means to extend your intercourse with the natives and conciliate their affections, enjoining all our subjects to live in amity and kindness with them; and if any of our subjects shall wantonly destroy them, or give them any unnecessary interruption of the exercises of their several occupations, it is our will and pleasure that you do cause such offenders to be brought to punishment according to the degree of the offence. (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 5, p. 637)
These were exactly the same instructions given earlier to Arthur Phillip (25th April, 1787), Governor Hunter (1st July, 1794), Governor King, and subsequently to Governor Macquarie on 9th May, 1809.
Hostilities again occurred in 1816. By this time further grants had been issued in the Hawkesbury and in the District of Upper Nelson as the result of the emancipation of more convicts and the increasing white population. This resulted in the displacement of natives from their traditional lands.
Macquarie reported to Earl Bathurst on 8th June, 1816:
...in consequence of the hostile and Sanguine disposition Manifested for a Considerable time past by the Aboriginals of this Country, I had determined to send out some Military Detachments into the interior, either to apprehend or destroy them....I found it Necessary on the 10th of April to Order Three Detachments of the 46th Regiment under the several Commands of Captains Schaw and Wallis, and Lieutenant Dawe of that Corps, to proceed to those Districts most infested and Annoyed by them on the Banks and in the Neighbourhood of the Rivers, Nepean, Hawkesbury and Grose, giving them instructions to make as many Prisoners as possible ; this Service Occupied a Period of 23 days, during which time the Military Parties very rarely met with any of the Hostile Tribes. (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol.9, p.139-40)
A party under Captain Wallis engaged a native encampment, killing 14 and taking 5 prisoners, "among the killed there is every reason to believe that Two of the most ferocious and Sanguinary of the Natives were included." (ibid. pp. 139-40)
Macquarie stated that on 4th May, 1816, he had issued a Proclamation:
holding out to the Natives various encouragements with a view to invite and induce them to relinquish their Wandering Predatory habits and to avail themselves of the indulgences offered to them as Settlers in degrees suitable to their Circumstances and Situations. It is scarcely possible to calculate with any degree of Precision on the result that this Proclamation may have on so rude and unenlightened a race; but it has already produced the good effect of bringing in some of the most troublesome of the Natives, who have promised to cease their Hostility and to avail themselves of the Protection of this Government by becoming Settlers, or engaging themselves as Servants.
The Proclamation included a number of measures to safeguard the Settlers:
First. - That from and after the Fourth Day of June... no Black Native or Body of Black Natives shall ever appear at or within one Mile of any Town, Village, or Farm, occupied by, or belonging to any British Subject, armed with any warlike or offensive Weapon or Weapons of any Descriptions, such as Spears, Clubs, or Waddies, on Pain of being deemed and considered in a State of Aggression and Hostility, and treated accordingly. Second.- That no Number of Natives, exceeding in the Whole Six Persons, being entirely unarmed, shall ever come to lurk or loiter about any Farm in the Interior, on the Pain of being considered Enemies, and treated accordingly. Third. - That the Practice, hitherto observed amongst the Native Tribes, of assembling in large Bodies or Parties armed, and of fighting and attacking each other on the Plea of inflicting Punishments on Transgressors of their own Customs and Manners at or near Sydney, and other principal Towns and Settlements in the Colony, shall be henceforth wholly abolished, as a barbarous Custom repugnant to the British Laws... Fourth. - That such of the Natives as may wish to be considered under the Protection of the British Government, and disposed to conduct themselves in a peaceful, inoffensive, and honest Manner, shall be furnished with Passports or Certificates to that Effect, signed by the Governor, on their making Application for the same at the Secretary's Office at Sydney, on the First Monday of every succeeding Month ; which Certificates they will find will protect them from being injured or molested by any Person, so long as they conduct themselves peaceably, inoffensively, and honestly, and do not carry or use any offensive Weapons, contrary to the Tenor of this Proclamation.
Those willing to become settlers would be granted "small Portions of Land, in suitable and convenient Parts of the Colony" and receive :
First. - That they and their Families shall be victualled from the King's Stores for Six Months, from the Time of their going to reside actually on their Farms. Secondly. - That they shall be furnished with the necessary Agricultural Tools, and also with Wheat, Maize and Potatoes for Seed, and Thirdly. - To each person of a Family, one Suit of Slops and one Colonial Blanket from the King's Stores shall be given. (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 9, pp.141-45)
Governor Macquarie reported to Earl Bathurst, on 4th April, 1817:
In my Dispatch P'r the Brig Alexander of date 8th June last, I had the Honor of Informing Your Lordship of the Measures, which I had deemed it advisable to pursue in respect to Quelling and Subduing the hostile Spirit of Violence and Rapine, which the black Natives or Aborigines of the Country had for a Considerable time past Manifested against the White Inhabitants; and I have now much pleasure in reporting to Your Lordship that the Measures I had then and have Subsequently adopted have been attended with the desired Effect , and that all Hostility on both Sides has long since Ceased; the black Natives living now peaceably and quietly in every part of the Colony, Unmolested by the White Inhabitants. The Measure of disarming the Natives had an immediate good Effect upon them, and the Proclamations Issued Subsequently under dates, 20th of July, and 1st of November, 1816, the first outlawing some of the Most Violent and Atrocious Natives, and the second holding out Indemnity to such as delivered themselves within a prescribed Period, made them at length fully Sensible of the Folly of their Conduct, and soon afterwards induced the Principal Chiefs to Come in at the Heads of their respective Tribes to sue for Peace and deliver up their Arms in All due Form in Terms of the Proclamation of the 4th of May, 1816, ...
...a numerous friendly Meeting of whom (Hostile Natives) took place at Parramatta on the 28th of December last, when I gave them a plentiful Treat of Meat and Drink; on which occasion 179 Men, Women, and Children were assembled, being a greater Number than had been seen together at any one time for Several Years past; they All appeared happy and perfectly Satisfied with the Meeting, and some of them of their own free Will and Accord gave up their Children for the Native Institution, which I had established at Parramatta some time before; and this Institution, from the progress the Children have already made, gives great Hope that it will ultimately pave the way for the Civilization of a large Portion of the Aborigines of the Country (HRA ser. 1, vol. 9, p. 342)
There was clearly a marked difference in attitude to the native inhabitants between Governors King and Macquarie, and to their respective interpretation of their Instructions from the Crown, particularly the words "or give them any unnecessary interruption of the exercises of their several occupations".
Following his departure from the Colony, Macquarie reported to Bathurst:
20. Considering the poor Black Natives or Aborigines of the Colony entitled to the peculiar protection of the British Government, on account of their being driven from the Sea Coast by our settling thereon, and subsequently occupying their best Hunting Grounds in the Interior, I deemed it an act of justice, as well as of Humanity, to make at least an attempt to ameliorate their condition and to endeavour to civilize them in as far as their wandering habits would admit of.
...26. The Adults, however, are naturally very indolent and adverse to labour, and I had consequently great difficulty in prevailing on any of them to become regular Settlers. But determined to persevere in my endeavours to civilize these poor inoffensive Human Beings, I at length prevailed on Five different Tribes to become Settlers, giving them their choice of situations. Three of the Tribes chose to settle on the Shores of Port Jackson in the vicinity of Sydney, on account of the convenience of fishing, for which purpose I furnished them with Boats and Fishing Tackle. The other two Tribes preferred taking their Farms in the Interior, from the produce of which they now maintain themselves, and appear much pleased with their change of condition; and their good example I hope will in due time reconcile many of the other adult Native Blacks to become Settlers.. (H.R.A. vol. 10, pp. 676-78)
Thomas Daveney, a free settler, was officially appointed superintendent of convicts at Toongabbie on 1st April, 1791. The convicts' task was to clear land between Old Government House at Parramatta and Toongabbie Creek. Phillip named the area Toon-gab-ee, the Aboriginal name for the area.
Captain Watkin Tench on 5th December, 1791, commented:
Walked on to the second settlement (Toongabbie), about two miles farther, through an uncleared country. Here met Daveney, the person who planned, and now superintands, all the operations carried on here. He told me that he estimated the quantity of cleared ground here at three hundred acres; he certainly over-rates it one third, by the judgement of every other person; six weeks ago it was a forest: it has been cleared, and the wood nearly burnt off the ground by five hundred men, in the beforementioned period, or rather in thirty days, for only that number have the convicts worked. He said it was too late to plant maize, and therefore he should sow turnips, which would help to meliorate and prepare it for next year... I wished to know whether he had chosen this ground simply from the conveniency of its situation to Rose Hill, and its easy form of tillage, and having water; or from any marks which he thought indicated good soil. He said that what I had mentioned, no doubt, weighed with him; and that he judged the soil to be good, from the limbs of many of the trees growing on it being covered with moss...Thirteen large huts, similar to those before-mentioned, contain all the people here. To every hut are appointed two men, as hut-keepers, whose only employment is to watch the huts in working hours, to prevent them from being robbed. This has somewhat checked depredations, and those endless complaints from the convicts, that they could not work, because they had nothing to eat, their allowance being stolen. - The work hours at this season (summer) are from five o'clock in the morning until ten; rest from ten to two; return to work at two, and continue till sunset. This surely cannot be called very severe toil; but on the other hand must be remembered the inadequacy of a ration of salt provisions, with few vegetables, and unassisted by any liquor but water. (Sydney's First Four Years - Captain Watkin Tench p. 249-250)
George Thompson, who sailed in the Royal Admiral, recorded in his Journal in May, 1792:
About four miles from this place (Parramatta) is another settlement - Toongabby - where the greatest number of convicts are, and work very hard (there is also a good crop of corn standing, and promises well). Their hours of work are from five in the morning till eleven; they then leave off till two in the afternoon, and work from that time until sunset. They are allowed no breakfast hour, because they have seldom anything to eat. Their labour is felling trees, digging up the stumps, rooting up the shrubs and grass, turning up the ground with spades or hoes, and carrying the timber to convenient places. From the heat of the sun, the short allowance of provisions, and the ill-treatment they receive from a set of merciless wretches (most of them of their own description) who are their superintendents, their lives are rendered truly miserable. At night they are placed in a hut, perhaps fourteen, sixteen, or eighteen together (with one woman, whose duty it is to keep it clean and provide victuals for the men while at work), without the comfort of either bed or blankets, unless they take them from the ship they came out in, or rich enough to purchase them when they come on shore. They have neither bowl, plate, spoon, or knife but what they make out of the green wood of this country, only one small iron pot being allowed to dress their poor allowance of meat, rice, &c.; in short, all the necessary conveniences of life they are strangers to, and suffer everything they could dread in their sentence of transportation. Some time since it was not uncommon for seven or eight to die in one day, and very often while at work, they being kept in the field till the last moment, and frequently while being carried to the hospital. Many a one has died standing at the door of the storehouse waiting for his allowance of provision, merely for want of sustenance and necessary food. So great was the mortality among them, that upward of (blank) died in one year; and of 450 that came from England in the Pitt, only twenty-nine were alive six weeks since at a general muster. [Note: This figure is generally regarded as an exaggeration. Collins stated that 368 adult convicts were landed. The death rate was however confirmed elsewhere as being very high.] (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 2, p. 795)
Governor Arthur Phillip reported to Dundas on 2nd October, 1792:
a new settlement, formed about three miles to the westward of Parramatta, and to which I have given the name of Toon-gab-be, a name by which the natives distinguish the spot. The soil is good, and in the neighbourhood of this place there are several thousand acres of exceedingly good ground. the quantity of ground in cultivation by the settlers is 416 acres, and they have 97 acres more ground cleared of timber. (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 1 part 2, p. 645)
By 30th November, 1792 :
Five hundred convicts were constantly employed for twelve months in clearing 720 acres of land now thus disposed of : 172 acres in wheat, 12 acres of barley, 460 acres of Indian corn or maize ; the town and gardens occupy the remaining 26... (HRNSW vol. 2, p. 807)
George Barrington was one of three convicts granted their emancipation on 3rd November, 1792, and received a grant of 30 acres. He became Chief Constable at Parramatta in September, 1796. He resigned from this position in 1800 and had drank himself to death by 1804.
Thomas Daveney wrote a somewhat contradictory letter to a friend on 1st July, 1794, stating:
This place is situated eighteen miles inland from Sydney Cove. I thank God we live at present in a state of ease and tranquillity, having a plentiful supply of every necessity from England, the East Indies, and America. On the 8th of March, at eleven o'clock in the morning, the last ounce of animal food then in store was actually issued to all ranks and descriptions of people alike, and nothing but absolute famine stared us in the face; the labour of the convicts was remitted, and everyone seemed to despond, when, in the evening of the same day, the William arrived from London, and a ship from Bengal, loaded with provisions of every kind. (HRNSW vol. 2, p. 814)
Daveney was dismissed from his position by Grose in 1794. He died within a year after rapidly consuming a half gallon of brandy.
Of Daveney, David Collins wrote:
July, 1795.]...On the same day (20th) a civil court was held for the purpose of granting probate on the will of Thomas Daveney, late a superintendant of convicts, who died on the 3rd of the month. The cause of his death was extraordinary. He had (been) appointed a superintendant of the convicts employed in agriculture at Toongabbie by the late Governor Phillip, who, considering him trustworthy, placed great confidence in him. Some time after Governor Phillip's departure, his conduct was represented to the lieutenant-governor in such a light, that he dismissed him from his situation, and he retired to a farm which he had at Toongabbie. He had been always addicted to the use of spirituous liquors; but he now applied himself even more closely to them, to drown the recollection of his disgrace. In this vice he continued until the 3rd of May last, on which day he came to Sydney in a state of insanity. He went to the house of a friend in the town, determined, as it seemed, to destroy himself; for he there drank, unknown to the people of the house, as fast as he could swallow, nearly half a gallon of Cape brandy. He fell directly upon the floor of the room he was in (which happened to be of brick); where the people, thinking nothing worse than intoxication ailed him, suffered him to lie for ten or twelve hours; in consequence he was seized with a violent inflammation which broke out on the arm, and that part of the body which lay next to the ground; to this, after suppuration had taken place, and several operations had been performed to extract the pus, a mortification succeeded, and at last carried him off on the 3rd July. A few hours before his death he requested to see the judge-advocate, to whom he declared, that it had been told him that he had been suspected of having improperly and tyrannically abused the confidence which he had enjoyed under Governor Phillip; but that he could safely declare that he was shortly to appear before the last tribunal, that nothing lay on his conscience which could make his last moments in this life painful. At his own request he was interred in the burying ground at Parramatta. He had been advancing his means pretty rapidly; for, after his decease, his stock of goats, consisting of eighty-six males and females, sold by public auction for three hundred and fifty-seven pounds fifteen shillings. He left a widow (formerly Catherine Hounson) who had for several years been deranged in her intellects. (An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales- David Collins. Vol. 1, pp. 354-5)
Major Francis Grose was sworn in as Lieutenant-Governor on 31st December, 1792. Grose entrusted Captain John Macarthur "with the direction of the convicts employed there (Parramatta) and at Toongabbie in cultivation, as well as to take charge of the public grain..."
Richard Fitzgerald reported:
that in 1792 to 1793 there were nearly nine hundred men and upward of two hundred and sixty women employed at the farm. The men worked in gangs of twenty-five and were allotted a task. The heaviest work was felling an acre of ground per week. One third of the convicts employed were boys, but they were employed in lighter tasks.
David Collins, again in his book An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales wrote about Toongabbie on several occasions. Some extracts include:
May, 1792] It was soon perceived, that the punishment of being sent from Parramatta (to Toongabbie) was more dreaded by the convicts than any corporal punishment, however severe, that could have been inflicted on them (vol. 1, p. 177)July, 1792] At the settlements beyond Parramatta (which had lately obtained and were in future to be distinguished by the name of Toongabbie) the convicts were employed in preparing the ground for the reception of next years crop of maize." (p. 189)
October, 1792] At Toongabbie, forty-two acres of wheat, sown about the middle of last March, looked as promising as could be wished; the remainder of the wheat, from being sown six weeks later, did not look so fine and abundant... (p. 203)
December, 1792] At the other settlement they had begun to reap the wheat which was sown in April last; and for want of a granary at that place it was put in stacks. From not being immediately thrashed out, there was no knowing with certainty what the produce of it was, but it had every appearance of turning out well. (p. 207)
... At and leading to Toongabbie:
Acres in wheat - 171.5
Acres in Barley - 14
Acres in maize - 511
Total number of acres - 696.5 (p. 209)
February, 1793] the workmen were now employed in constructing a barn and granary upon a very extensive scale. (p. 229)
May, 1793] At Toongabbie no addition had been made to the public ground since Governor Phillip's departure; but by a survey made at the latter end of this month it appeared, that the officers to whom lands had been granted, had cultivated and cleared two hundred and thirty-three acres, and had cut down the timber from two hundred and nineteen more. All the settlers of a different description had added something to their grounds; and there were many who might be pronounced to be advancing fast towards the comfortable situation of independent farmers. (p. 241)
July, 1793] About the middle of the month all the wheat which was to be sown was got in at and near Toongabbie; the quantity of the ground was about three hundred and eighty acres. (p. 251)
December, 1794] A jail gang was also ordered to be established at Toongabbie, for the employment and punishment of all bad and suspicious characters."..."The ground about Toongabbie was pronounced to be worn out, the produce of the last harvest not averaging more than six or seven bushels an acre, though at first it was computed at seventeen. (p. 337)
April, 1795] It was determined to let the Toongabbie Hills remain fallow for a season, they being reported to be worn out. Other ground, which had been prepared, was now sown; a spot called Ninety Acres, and the hills between Parramatta and Toongabbie. (p. 346)
August, 1795] Public labour was scarcely anywhere performed in this month, owing to the extreme badness of the weather which prevailed. The rain and wind were so violent for some days after the arrival of the Providence, that neither that ship nor the Endeavour had much communication with the shore. Accounts were received from the Hawkesbury, that several farms on the creeks were under water; and the person who brought the account was nearly drowned in his way over a plain named the Race-ground. Palings could no where stand the the force of the storm. Several chimnies and much plaster fell, and every house was wet. At Parramatta much damage was done; and at Toongabbie (a circumstance most acutely felt) a very large barn and threshing-floor were destroyed... During the storm, the column (beacon) at the South Head fell in (pp. 357-8)
December, 1796] the stock of large cattle belonging to government were in excellent condition, having been sent to Toongabbie, where they had met with better food and more care than elsewhere. (vol. 2, p. 8)
January, 1797] Severe bushfires - see separate chapter. (p. 12)
March, 1797] At Toongabbie, upward of 100 men were occupied in agriculture. (p. 20)
June, 1797] The ground that it was proposed to clear on the public account was not more than two miles and a half from Parramatta, and most advantageously situated in point of fresh water, having a chain of large and excellent ponds in its vicinity. The deputy surveyor having accompanied the governor, the spot was marked out for erecting the necessary buildings; and the whole was named Portland Place, in honour of his Grace the Duke of Portland. (p. 29)
December, 1797] At Parramatta and Toongabbie the wheat was nearly all got in and secured. At the latter of these places, a capital barn had been erected for its reception, 90 feet in length, with a complete floor, on which eight or nine pairs of thrashers could be employed without any inconvenience. ( p. 52)
On the expiry of their sentence, most convicts were granted land, usually in the Toongabbie area.
Following Phillip's departure, grants around the farm were issued and they eventually encroached upon it.
The farm operated over a period of thirteen years. Supervisors included John Jamieson, Richard Fitzgerald, Andrew Hume, Rowland Hassall and Charles Grimes. Hassall, a former member of the London Missionary Society, became a storekeeper at Toongabbie, and regularly preached to the small congregations there.
By 1800, there were on the Government farms 488 sheep, 931 cattle and 32 horses. On private land there were 1259 goats, 4766 hogs, 6259 sheep, 362 cattle and 211 horses. There were 467 acres of wheat and 300 acres of maize on Government land, compared with 4,857 acres of wheat and 3,564 acres of maize privately owned.
Lieut.-Governor Grose issued 420 acres of land grants at Toongabbie, Lieut.-Col. Paterson 160 acres and Governor John Hunter 4,734 acres at the same location.
On 1st March, 1802, Governor King reported:
The extent of the ground around Toongabbie designed by Governor Phillip for public cultivation has been mostly granted away to settlers, leaving the Government with a very circumscribed space not containing more than 300 acres of worn out land, which has been in constant cultivation. (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 9, p. 427)
By 1803 the Toongabbie farm had been turned into a grazing area for cattle in order to fertilize the land: "Toongabbee will remain for some time fallow, and be benefited by the Government herds manuring it." The remaining convicts were removed to the new penal holding centre at Castle Hill. Convicts continued to be assigned to nearby settlers farms and to improvements to local roads. (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 3 p. 193)
Governor Bligh reported on 9th January, 1807: "Toongabbee Stock Yard and Dairy. - The Whole of Government Buildings in a decayed state, quite untenantable, some fallen down" (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 6, p. 97)
By 31st October, 1807, Bligh reported "Barn and Dairy...repaired; The other Buildings in a bad state" (ibid. p. 170)
Acting-Governor King reported to the Duke of Portland on 28th September, 1800: The full extent of ground about the settlement of Toongabbie, which was designed by Governor Phillip for the public use, being mostly granted or leased to settlers, prevents more than three hundred acres of wheat being sown in that place this year, and the one hundred acres which is planted with maize will occasion the necessity of removing to other situations. This was begun last year by Governor Hunter at Portland Place. The convicts who must clear and labour that ground, require the constant eye of a superintendant to make their labour the least productive; but, as the present establishment of that class of officers will not admit of one for that situation, the best shall be done without; nor shall I trouble your Grace with application for others until such arrangements are made as will enable me to ascertain their utility and advantage. At present my observation confirms me in the opinion that the only inducement which this, as well as many other descriptions of people have in this colony of being employed by the Crown, is that it gives them opportunity and consequence to impose on the public and to join in sharing the immense profits that have been made of the shameful monopolies that have so long existed here, and which have been uniformly applied to the misery and ruin of the labouring settlers. (HRNSW vol. 4, p. 178)
This correspondence makes reference to the settlement at Portland Place. David Collins had earlier recorded for the month of June, 1797, details of the proposed settlement at Portland Place. (see above)
A list of public buildings proposed to be erected by Governor Hunter, dated 25th September, 1800, included:
9. A stock-yard has been lately inclosed with posts and rails at Portland Place for the use of Government cattle. It consists of about 30 acres, and takes in a fine chain of fresh water ponds; buildings were designed also to be erected there. There are about 100 acres of timber cut down at Portland Place, about 50 of which have been burnt off. It was intended to have continued clearing land there for Government, as there is a considerable track of good ground, and at a convenient distance from Parramatta.
Lieutenant-Governor King added the comment:
This stock-yard will be used, and cultivation on government's account will be carried on here, when more convicts arrive from England, as no greater quantity of ground than 350 acres can be cultivated in the district of Toongabbie, which was originally designed by Governor Phillip for the public use, but has been granted away to individuals since his departure. Those people that can be drawn from other works are getting the ground about Parramatta into cultivation for maize. (HRNSW vol. 4, p. 155)
On the same date, Governor Hunter reported:
Inclosed several stock-yards for the government cattle, and erected new or repaired the old sheds at Toongabbe, Parramatta, and Portland Place. In the latter district one hundred and twenty acres were fell, and fifty burnt off, a little township marked out, and two or three huts built. (HRA ser.1, vol. 2, p. 563)
It should be noted that a "stock-yard" was what would now be regarded as a fenced paddock.
The settlement of Portland Place was located in what is now Merrylands. It was abandoned in 1801 in favour of the new Government farm at Castle Hill.
Phillip's expedition of April, 1791, to the Hawkesbury passed through part of the Hills District.
David Burton, a botanist and surveyor, as Superintendent of Convicts at Parramatta, explored the region to the west of Parramatta in April, 1792. He probably travelled as far as Castle Hill.
Settlement in the Parish of Castle Hill began on the Hawkesbury Road ( now known as Old Windsor Road) in 1794. William Joyce was granted 30 acres on 13th December, 1794. The next grant was to Matthew Pearce, a free settler, on 22nd July, 1795. His 160 acres adjoined that of Joyce, on the northwest. It was known as King's Langley Farm.
Governor King reported to the Duke of Portland on 8th July, 1801, (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 9, p. 113) : br
As I am now about beginning another farm for the Crown I shall take care that grants of land are not made to exclude Government from the ground cleared by the convicts at public labour, which has been the case at Toongabbe and Parramatta, to the great accumulation of expense to the public.
Governor King , in a despatch dated 21st August, 1801, stated:
I also intimated my commencing at a place begun the previous year ; but the soil proving of the most unproductive kind, I fixed on a situation that Governor Phillip intended as a stock farm for Government, the soil being of the best and most productive kind. Fifty men have been clearing it, and I hope much public benefit will be derived in raising grain and feeding Government cattle, which, after the approaching increase, must be divided into several separate herds. (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 3, pp. 120-121)
Prior to King's arrival, there was no definite plan for reserving land for the purposes of the Crown. Nearly all the prime agricultural land on the banks of the Hawkesbury had been alienated in the form of grants prior to 1800. In addition the Government farm at Toongabbie had been restricted to 350 acres because of surrounding grants.
The first known use of the name Castle Hill occurred in a despatch dated 1st March, 1802: A great progress has been made in the clearing of land at Castle Hill, where I hope to sow two hundred acres on the public account this year."..." I stated the necessity I should soon be under of appointing another superintendant, to direct the labor (sic) of the prisoners employed at cultivation on the Public Account, and as the settlement at Castle Hill is detached from the other settlements, I have appointed a free settler, who came out in the Canada (margin note: Mr. Jno. Jamieson) (H.R.A.ser.1, vol. 3, p. 399-404)
King created a number of Crown Reserves during his term as Governor. One of the largest was an area of 34,539 acres at Castle Hill, in 1801.
The southern half of the Parish was in the District of Toongabbie and the majority of grants were made between 1794 and 1804.
In October,1802, there were 300 men employed at Castle Hill, clearing land for the purpose of cultivating wheat in order to make the colony self-supporting in that regard. On 9th May, 1803, Governor King reported to Lord Hobart:
The cleared ground on the new public agricultural settlement at Castle Hill is about 300 acres, which will be sown with wheat, and that, in addition to the other public grounds, will make 700 acres that will be sowed with that grain, from April to June, which is a much greater quantity than has ever been sowed before on the public account. When a sufficient proportion of ground has been cleared at Castle Hill, it would be advisable to work that settlement alone, and to turn Toongabbie into a stock-yards and grazing grounds, as it requires a small establishment at each place to look after the convicts at public labour, which, by being more concentrated, would become much more productive. (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 3, p. 113)
The 700 acres referred to above is clarified by King on 30th June, 1803:
"Preparing to sow 710 acres at Castle Hill, Toongabbe, and Hawkesbury, with wheat." (ibid. p. 163)
In the same report King stated that a two-storied, stone barrack for convicts at Castle Hill was commenced in early 1803. It measured 100 feet long and 24 feet wide. He also reported that he had constructed a brick granary at Hawkesbury with "dimensions - length 101 feet, breadth 25 feet, height to wall-plate 23 feet (with three floors)."
King reported to Lord Hobart on 1st March, 1804:
In reply to your Lordship's observations respecting the increase of land cultivated for Government, and recommending its not being increased more than to employ the convicts at my disposal; that the greater part of such land should be for pasturage, and the stock of Government cattle to be regarded as the foundation of the stock of individual settlers; - I beg leave most respectfully to state that before leaving England I was directed to promote the public cultivation, and encourage that of individuals. After distributing as many convicts as I judged could be advantageously employed by the settlers who I knew to be industrious and deserving, I hired the productive Hawkesbury farm in 1801, and began clearing the public agricultural settlement at Castle Hill in August, 1802, where there are now 700 acres of good ground clear, and durable stone buildings erected on it. (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 3 p. 329)
By August, 1806 the number of convicts had been reduced to 177.
Governor Bligh felt that Government farming was necessary as a check on the price of grain.
Bligh reported on 25th January, 1807, that at Castle Hill "One Barn in good repair; One Stone Grainary (sic) Floor wants repairing; One New Grainary in an unfinished state; Dwelling and Store Houses wanting repair" (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 6, p. 98)
Bligh reported on 31st October, 1807, that the stone granary at Castle Hill had been repaired and that the "new Granary or Barn" had been finished. (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 6, p. 170)
In 1807, 150 acres of wheat, 16 acres of barley and oats, and 212 acres of maize were sown. The cultivated area had declined to 100 acres by 1809.
The Government Farm was closed in 1810 by Macquarie on the grounds that it was inadequate in its object and too expensive to maintain.
In order to establish successful vineyards, two French prisoners of war were sent to the colony in 1801. They were Francois Duriault and Antione Landrien. During 1801 they planted 7,000 cuttings behind Old Government House at Parramatta. This was followed by an additional 5,000 cuttings the following year. On 7th August, 1803, Governor King reported: Thirty acres of Ground are now ready at Castle Hill to plant Vine Cuttings which with the Ground we now have planted, will serve to prove how far Wine can be made here. But I am sorry to say, that this cultivation is by no means so generally attended to as I could wish... (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 4, p. 310)
Francois Duriault was sent back to England in 1804 for "the most open seditious conduct", although strongly protesting his innocence. Antione Landrien was granted land at Parramatta and died in 1811. Nothing further became of viticulture at Castle Hill.
In 1811, Macquarie authorised the conversion of the Government Farm into an asylum for the reception of convict lunatics. The Sydney Gazette of 1st June, 1811, reported: His Excellency, commiserating the unhappy condition of persons labouring under the affliction of mental derangement, has been pleased to order an Asylum to be prepared for their reception at Castle Hill, whither they have been accordingly removed from their former place of confinement, which was in the town gaol at Parramatta, and every provision that humanity could suggest has been made for their accommodation and comfort.
The first Superintendent was the Rev. Samuel Marsden, who held office until c1814, when George Suttor was appointed to the office. Mr. William Bennett became Superintendent in 1819, holding the position until the Asylum closed in 1826. The patients were moved to Liverpool. By 1818 the size of the land had been reduced to 200 acres as the result of land grants.
The property was handed over to the Church and School Corporation in 1828.
In 1822, 22 acres were set aside as a township reserve surrounding the asylum at Castle Hill. In November, 1837, 40 acres were set aside for a glebe and were surveyed by H.L.Butler.
The reserve, excluding the 40 acres for the glebe, was leased to S. Moore, E. Fuller and Thomas Fuller in 1847.
Between 1850 and 1860, the buildings were demolished. Some of the stone was used in construction of St. Paul's Rectory at Castle Hill. The glebe was disposed of by the Church during this period.
At the expiry of the previous lease, the land was advertised for sale and auctioned at the Parramatta Court House. The land was purchased by James Purser (portion 160), Samuel Moore (portion 161), James Black (portion 162), Elizabeth Black (portion 163), James Greenwood (portion 164), James Burser (portion 165), Thomas Williams (portions 166 and 167). Most of the buyers were described as farmers or orchardists.
An archeological report of the site was undertaken in 1981. The report was edited by Judy Birmingham
Acting Governor King to the Duke of Portland, 21st August, 1801:
In my letter... I stated the necessity of finding a situation to employ the convicts at public labour in cultivation. As the grounds about Toongabbie and Parramatta (leaving only 380 acres) have very improperly been leased and granted to individuals, perverting Governor Phillip's plan of concentrating the labor (sic) of Government servants to one place, which would have greatly facilitated the public work and interest, instead of employing the convicts at public labor in detached situations, and not having people to direct their labor and secure the produce of it without incurring much additional expence, and even then the class that this confidence must necessarily be placed in has been too often been detected in the abuse of it. I also intimated my commencing at a place begun the preceding year; but the soil proving of the most unproductive kind, I fixed on a situation that Governor Phillip intended as a stock farm for Government *, the soil being of the best and most productive kind. Fifty men have been clearing it, and I hope much public benefit will be derived in raising grain and feeding Government cattle, which, after the approaching increase, must be divided into several separate herds. The convicts at public labor had cropped all the cleared ground left for the Crown three weeks before the season was over for sowing wheat. It therefore became an object of necessity and economy to employ their labor in sowing as long as possible for the Crown, but there being no more public ground clear, and many private farms now lying waste (altho' the property remains in the grantees or the purchasers), it occurred that by renting one of them, which is the most productive in the colony for this year, until more ground can be cleared for the public, a great saving would arise. I therefore hired it for 15s. per acre, containing 171 acres, and is entirely cropped with wheat. If the season turns out well its produce will be upward of twenty bushels an acre; the same ground has produced thirty. The rent is to be paid out of the produce. That farm is one among the many that are lying waste **, and would be highly productive, but belonging to individuals whose present involved state prevents them from cultivating those farms that have hitherto been worked, by the lure of spirits in exchange for Government bills arising from their industry. The influx of spirits now being greatly reduced, and I do not doubt will be entirely removed in another year, I trust that we will then find that labor can be carried on without spirituous liquors as well as with, altho' I am confidently told that from the time of my ordering the three ships away with 58,000 gallons of wine and spirits, that moment agriculture would lose its greatest support. (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 3, pp. 120-121) Note: * Castle Hill. ** at Cornwallis at the Hawkesbury (Sydney Gazette 2nd December, 1804)
Governor King to Lord Hobart, 30th October, 1802:
In my different despatches since the 10th March, 1801, wherein I communicated the great losses of the settlers and the colony by the repeated overflowings of the Hawkesbury, I am happy to say that no flood has happened this year, and that the harvest was well got in, altho' much less ground was sowed than would have been the case had not the settlers suffered so much by the former floods. The same favourable appearances continuing, they continue the cultivation of their farms, which have been so expensive and laborious to clear of timber. The hope of surviving floods (which ensures a plentiful return) encourages them to persevere, which is well for the colony, as private labour has been generally applied to that quarter, where the produce is so great, and so necessary has it been to persevere and make the best use of that place, that from the chance of a good crop being got I was induced to rent an unoccupied farm on account of Government, from which a produce of near 5,500 bushels of wheat will be obtained at the price of 800 bushels. It has been cropped again on the public account, and will be continued until I have sufficiency of ground cleared, and buildings erected about the new settlement at Castle Hill, to employ the convicts at Government labour, who are more than sufficient to cultivate the grounds at Toongabbee. (H.R.A. ser.1, vol. 3, p. 587)
David Collins, in his book An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales (Vol. 2, p.54-56), commented on problems with the Irish convicts in January, 1798. These comments are included as they provide an insight into the way the Irish convicts were perceived by the English officers of the time, and the strong independant notions of the Irish:
The Irish prisoners who had arrived in the last ships from that country had about this period become so turbulent and refractory, and so dissatisfied with their situation, that, without the most rigid and severe punishment, it was impossible to derive from them any labour whatever. In addition to their natural vicious propensities, they conceived an opinion that there was a colony of white people, which had been discovered in this country, situated to the SW of the settlement, from which it was distant between three and four hundred miles, and in which they were assured of finding all the comforts of life, without the necessity of labouring for them. (This would place the alleged settlement in the vicinity of Canberra.)
It was discovered, that, in consequence of this extraordinary rumour, a plan had been formed, by means of a correspondence carried on between these people, from one district to another, of escaping from the colony; which was to be put into execution so soon as they had completed a sufficient stock of provisions. The place of general rendezvous was fixed upon, and they were furnished with a paper of written instructions for their guidance to this fancied paradise, or to China; in addition to which, they had been supplied with a figure of a compass drawn upon paper.
Having received early information of the intentions of this party, the governor wrote to a magistrate at Parramatta, desiring that he would go to Toongabbie, where the principal part of the malcontents were employed, and point out to them the danger to which so ill-advised a step would expose them; but, as to attempt to reason with ignorance and obstinacy was only to waste time, he was to acquaint them, that the governor would allow any four of them whom they should select from their number, and whom they might think capable of travelling over steep and rocky mountains, through thick and extensive woods, and forging deep and rapid streams, to proceed as far as they should find themselves able with such provisions as they could carry. That further, for the preservation of the lives of those four men, he would order three other people, who were accustomed to the woods of this country, and well acquainted with the savages of the mountains, to accompany and lead them in the direction pointed out in their written instructions.
On conversing with these infatuated people, it appeared, that the history of the supposed settlement had its rise from some strange and unintelligible account from one of these men, who had left his work, and resided with some of the natives, had collected from the mountain savages.
A very few days demonstrated the effect of the governor's address to these ignorant people. He received information, that considerable numbers of them were assembling for the purpose of proceeding in quest of the new settlement. He, therefore, directed a party of armed constables, to waylay and secure as many as they were able; which was effected, and sixteen were taken and put into confinement. On speaking to them the following day, they appeared to be totally ignorant whither they were going; but, observing in them as much obstinacy as ignorance, the governor justly conceived that he could not use an argument more likely to convince them of their misconduct, than by ordering a severe corporal punishment to be inflicted at Sydney on those who appeared to be the principals in this business; which was accordingly put into execution; seven of them each received two hundred lashes; the remainder, after being punished at Parramatta, were sent to hard labour and strictly looked after. ...
Being, on further consideration of the necessity of checking this spirit of emigration, determined to convince them, by their own experience, of the dangers and difficulties which attended it, the governor caused four of the strongest and hardiest among to be chosen by themselves, and properly prepared for a journey of discovery. They were to be accompanied by three men, upon whom the governor knew he could depend, and who were to lead the way back, when fatigued and exhausted with their journey, over the very worst and most dangerous part of the country. This plan was no sooner settled, than the governor received information on which he could rely, that a party of these miscreants had concerted with the four deputies to meet them at a certain place, where they were to murder the persons intended to be their guides, possess themselves of their arms and provisions, and then pursue their own route. This diabolical scheme was counter-acted by the addition of four soldiers to the guides; and on the 14th they set off from Parramatta.
On the 24th the soldiers returned with three of the deputies, who, having gained the foot of the first mountains, were so completely sick of their journey, and of the prospects before them, that they requested to return with the soldiers, whose mission here terminated, being ordered to leave them at this place in the direction of their guides; one man only expressed a resolution to persevere, and penetrate further into the country, and was left with them for that purpose.
The former First Fleet convict, John Wilson (who had lived with the blacks), and John Price (who had come to Australia as Governor Hunter's servant) were amongst those who persisted. The 'foot of the first mountains' is believed to be between the Nepean the present site of Picton. The remainder of the party, aided by Wilson's bushcraft, reached the Wingecarribee River. Wilson was soon after his return sent back into the same region, where his party reached Mount Towrang, near Goulburn. Wilson reverted to life with the natives in 1799. He was speared when he attempted to take a young woman of the tribe against her will.
Collins reported further problems with the Irish convicts in April, 1798, (ibid. p. 77):
A report prevailed at this time among the labouring people, particularly the Irish, who were always foremost in every mischief and discontent, that an old woman had prophesied the arrival of several French frigates, or large ships of war, who were, after destroying the settlement, to liberate and take off the whole of the convicts. The rapidity with which this ridiculous tale was circulated is incredible. The effect was such as might be expected. One refractory fellow, while working in a numerous gang at Toongabbie, threw down his hoe, advancing before the rest, and gave three cheers for liberty. This for a while seemed well received; but, a magistrate fortunately being at hand, the business was put to an end, by securing the advocate for liberty, tying him up in the field, and giving him a severe flogging.
The significance of this commentary is its demonstration of the sympathetic attitude of the Irish in favour of the French and against the English, or, at the very least, the English perception of that attitude.
Collins commented for January, 1799, (ibid. p. 102-103):
A numerous body of the Irish convicts, many of whom had but lately arrived, insisted that 'their times were out', and could not be persuaded that they were mistaken by any remonstrance or argument. They grew noisy and insolent, and even made use of threats; upon which a few of the most forward and daring were secured, and instantly punished; after which they were ordered to go back to their work. They had also taken up the idea that Ireland had shaken off its connection with England, and they were no longer to be considered as convicts under the British government. This was a most pernicious idea to be entertained by such a lawless set of people, and requiring the strong arm of government to eradicate it.
The Castle Hill Rebellion of 1804 began on Sunday, 4th March, at approximately 8 p.m. There were up to 200 Irish prisoners at Castle Hill. Many had been transported because of the their involvement in the Irish Rebellion.
One of the huts was deliberately set alight and the alarm bell rung. Phillip Cunningham, overseer of stonemasons, with the assistance of other prisoners, broke into the stores where firearms and ammunition were kept.
About midnight, word of the rebellion reached Governor King, who set out for Parramatta unattended. Seeing the seriousness of the situation he declared Martial Law:
Whereas a number of labouring convicts of Castle Hill and other parts in this district have assembled and in a rebellious and daring manner have attacked and robbed several of His Majesty's peaceable and loyal subjects of their property and arms, and proceeded therewith to great acts of outrage, which the preservation of the lives and property of His Majesty's liege subjects demand an immediate stop being put to by the most effectual means:I do therefore proclaim the districts of Parramatta, Castle Hill, Toongabbee, Prospect, Seven and Baulkham Hills, Hawkesbury and Nepean to be in a state of rebellion, and do establish martial law throughout those districts.
I do therefore strictly charge and command all His Majesty's liege subjects to be assisting in apprehending and giving up to the nearest officer or magistrate every person they may stop who is unprovided with a pass, under pain of being tried by a Court Martial.
And every person who is seen in a state of rebellious opposition to the peace and tranquillity of this colony, and who does not give himself or themselves up within twenty-four hours, will be tried by a Court Martial and suffer the sentence passed upon him or them.
And if they or any of them give up the ringleaders to justice it may be an effectual means of procuring them that amnesty which it is so much my wish to grant.
Philip Gidley King.
(HRNSW vol.5, p. 345)
Surgeon Arndell had written from the Hawkesbury to "the Reverend Mr. Marsden, or in his absence, the Officer commanding at Parramatta", on 4th March, 1804:
Revr. Sir, From Strong and confirmed information I have every reason to believe that many of those deluded prisoners that call themselves United Irishmen and others had an Insurrection in project this night, and I beg you will be so kind as to forward some ammunition with the bearer sent on purpose for our Defence here. (HRA ser.1, vol. 4, p. 567)
Governor King, on 12th March, 1804, reported on the rebellion and the ensuing events. Part of his report included a copy of the Sydney Gazette of 11th March, 1804. King justified the use of this report by stating:
My time being constantly taken with the important object of putting an immediate stop to those proceedings, which was happily effected in the most prompt and decisive manner, and the Calcutta having been waiting for my despatches the whole of last week, precludes me from giving your Lordship a more circumstantial account of what has occurred than the statement in the enclosed Gazette, which was collected and arranged by those who were less occupied than myself, and is a tolerable accurate account of those transactions, to which I hope your Lordship will excuse my requesting a reference.
The Sydney Gazette of 11th March, 1804, carried the following report of the uprising:
At half past eleven o'clock on Sunday night, an express was received by HIS EXCELLENCY, from Captain ABBOTT, Commanding Officer at Parramatta, with intelligence that the Prisoners at Public Labour at Castle Hill, and the Settlers men, were in a state of Insurrection, and had already committed many daring Outrages: Sydney was instantaneously alarmed, the Military and Inhabitants were under Arms, and the Captain, Officers, Marines, and Ship's Company of His Majesty's Ship Calcutta came on shore, in Ten minutes after the alarm was given, and by the GOVERNOR'S Orders all Horses throughout the Town were held in requisition.At a quarter past Twelve Lieut. Hobby brought in an account of the outrages committed at Castle Hill, stating the Insurgents to be in great force and advancing towards Parramatta in different directions. His EXCELLENCY gave Orders for the necessary measures to be promptly adopted, and leaving his Honor the LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR in command at Sydney, got on Horseback and proceeded unattended towards Parramatta, but was overtaken near Major Johnston's by the Provost Marshal, four Troopers, and several confidential Persons mounted. One of the Troopers was despatched to the Major from His EXCELLENCY, requesting him to take Command of a Company of the New South Wales Corps, then on their march from Sydney; the GOVERNOR with his small retinue proceeding onwards to Parramatta, where he arrived without interruption at 4 in the morning, when he received information from Captain ABBOTT, that a great body of the Insurgents, all armed, were at Park Gate, at the West entrance of Parramatta. Major JOHNSTON with the Detachment arrived at Parramatta Barracks at 5 o'clock; & after himself, Officers, and Soldiers, had taken a hasty refreshment, they proceeded to Government House for Orders. From the imperious necessity of putting an immediate & effectual stop to the progress of the Insurgents, the Governor issued a Proclamation declaring Martial Law, as stated on the front page. As the information was received that the Insurgents were in several bodies, Major Johnston with Quarter-Master Laycock, & 25 Non-Commissioned Officers and Privates of the New South Wales Corps, accompanied by a Trooper and several of the Constables and Inhabitants, at half-past 6 proceeded by way of Toongabbee; Lieutenant Davis with an equal number of Soldiers proceeded along the Castle Hill Road, that place being appointed for the Rendezvous, in case nothing should occur to make those Officers alter the direction they went under. Major Johnston on arriving at Toongabbee, received information that a considerable body were on their way to the Hawkesbury: not withstanding the fatigue of his small Detachment in marching up from Sydney, and the distance they had gone since, they immediately ran in good Order, with their followers, and after a pursuit of Seven Miles farther, Major Johnston and a Trooper, who had preceeded the Detachment came up with the rear of the Insurgents at 11 o'clock, whose numbers have since been ascertained to be 233 men, armed with Musquets, Pistols, Swords, &c. and a number of followers which they had taken from the Settlers. After calling to them repeatedly they halted, and formed on the side of a Hill: The Major and Trooper advanced within pistol shot, and endeavoured to persuade them to Submit to the Mercy that was offered them by the Proclamation, which they refused. The Major required to see their Chiefs, who after some deliberation met them half way, between the Detachment and the Insurgents, when by a great presence of mind and address the Major presented his pistol at the head of the Principal leader (Philip Cunningham), and the Trooper following his motions, presented his Pistol also to the other leader's head, (Wm. Johnston) and drove them into the Detachment without the least opposition from the body of the Insurgents. Major Johnston immediately ordered Quarter-Master Laycock to advance with the Detachment, &c. and cut the body to pieces, which immediately filed off and fled in all directions, pursued by the Detachment and followers. Several shots were fired by the Insurgents without effect. As the pursuit was along the Road & on each side in the Woods, the number of dead are not yet ascertained; nine Bodies were found about the Road, and Several were known to be killed in the pursuit through the Woods. A number were overtaken and made Prisoners, among whom was the Leader (Philip Cunningham), who was to all appearances left dead on the Road. The pursuit continued on to the Hawkesbury, where the Detachment arrived at 4 in the afternoon with Several Prisoners, after a forced march, or rather runnIng 35 Miles; Lieutenant Davis being joined by Lieutenant Brabyn with a reinforcement of thirty Soldiers joined the Major at 9 o'clock that night. Philip Cunningham the Principal Leader, who was carried among the wounded to Hawkesbury, being still alive and being considered by Major Johnston as a proper object to make an immediate example of, by virtue of the Martial Law that then existed, and the discretionary power given him by His Excellency, and after taking the opinion of the Officers around him, directed him to be publicly executed on the Stair Case of the Public Store, which he had boasted in his march that he was going to plunder.
As the principal Body was dispersed, the Detachment returned to Parramatta on Wednesday morning with a great number of Prisoners taken in Arms; and on Tuesday morning received His Excellency's personal Approbation and Thanks for their animated and Soldier-like Conduct & great perseverance in the fatigues they had undergone.
Seventy of the Insurgents, armed with musquets of which they had stripped the Settlers, commanded by Humes, having missed joining the main body, were concealed about the Castle Hill Road, which occupied the attention of the Detachment and Association at Parramatta. After the defeat, the Insurgents took advantage of the Proclamation, which extended Grace to those who gave themselves up within 24 hours, & great numbers were constantly coming in and delivering themselves up from noon on Monday, and others were brought in Prisoners with their Arms, by Lieutenants Davis and Brabyn's Parties.
It appears that this conspiracy had been in agitation upwards of a Month, but unlike all other attempts of the kind was kept a profound secret until two days previous to its breaking out; Captain Abbott and the Rev. Mr. Marsden then received information, which they transmitted to Head Quarters; but as so many things of the kind had been in agitation before, and never could be brought to a point, no other notice of it was taken other than using common precautions.
Every arrangement that was made by these infatuated people sufficiently evinced, that some persons yet unknown but not unsuspected at Sydney and Parramatta, had the principal direction of these plans, and were only waiting the success of Cunningham's exertions.
The alarm began at Castle Hill about 8 o'clock on Sunday night, where there are upwards of 200 Irish Prisoners, (sent here for Seditious Practices in Ireland), by setting a House on fire and ringing the Bell, when Cunningham appeared as the avowed leader, vociferating the cries of "Death or Liberty!" and assuring those who were joining him. (and others who say they were compelled), that Sydney and Parramatta were in their possession, that they had nothing to do but obey his orders and plunder the Settlers of their Arms (for which purpose parties were sent off in different directions) and after being united, to march to Hawkesbury, were they were assured of their force being augmented to 1100 men, with which they were to return to Castle Hill on Tuesday morning to breakfast, march to Parramatta, for the possession of which two well known disaffected persons were to be answerable; and after planting the Tree of Liberty at Government House, they were to proceed to Sydney, the possession of which was supposedly secured by three disaffected characters, and then embark on board the Ships, which would also be ready to receive them. Such a tale, joined to the principles he was haranguing, removed all doubt, & such was the activities of the different Parties, that every Settler in the wide extended range from the Field of Mars round by Parramatta, Baulkham and Seven Hills, Prospect Hill, and Toongabbee, were completely stripped of their Arms and Ammunition by Six in the Morning, which in their contest with Major Johnston amounted to 136 Musquets, fourteen Pistols, and a great number of swords, bayonets on poles, and pitch-forks: and there is little doubt that if any of the prompt measures that were adopted on the exigence of the moment had been omitted, the Banditti would have increased their numbers and strength considerably at the Hawkesbury, where they were going, Seconded the Plans of their concealed directors, and given confidence to those who were then wavering or waiting for the Insurgents' Success, and what added greatly to the check given, by the main body being routed, was the circumstance of the 50 armed men under Humes and 70 under Johnston having lost themselves.
Several parties of Settlers and others now pursued the Insurgents in all directions; and from Monday noon to Friday evening upward of 300 were taken or gave themselves up, most of whom were dismissed and sent to their respective labour, with a caution and reprimand. Ten of those who were selected from upwards of 200, as being most forward, including the two leaders Johnstone (sic) and Hume were tried at Parramatta by a General Court Martial, when they were all sentenced to be hanged---Johnstone and Humes to be hung in Chains: A part of the Sentence was carried into execution at 6 o'clock on Thursday evening, upon Humes, Charles Hill, and John Place, who acknowledged the justice of their sentence. Hume gave much important information, respecting the Secret Contrivers; and on Friday morning Johnston, Harrington, and Neale were executed at Castle Hill, Johnstone giving similar information to Humes's; and on Saturday Brannon and Hogan suffered at Sydney, Burke and McCormick being Reprieved. Five others received Corporal Punishment; and about thirty were ordered to the different Gaol-gangs until they can otherwise be disposed of.
Thus ended a sudden Insurrection, that was as unexpected as it is decidedly put an end to by the great assistance given to the measures which the exigency of the moment required.
On Friday afternoon Major JOHNSTON'S Detachment marched into Sydney, where they were received by the Regiment, and dismissed by the gratulations of the Comrades and Spectators; and
On Saturday morning HIS EXCELLENCY arrived at Sydney, after repealing Martial Law in the Interior. On his arrival at the Regimental Parade he was received by Lieut Col. PATERSON at the head of the New South Corps under arms, and received the Military Honours due his Situation.
The second group, led by Major Johnston, caught sight of the rebels on the Parramatta side of Last Half Way Pond, which is now known as Second Ponds Creek. Although the exact site of the battle is debated, it is generally thought to have taken place on the hill on which Castlebrook Lawn Cemetery is now located.
The events which followed are more fully described by Major Johnston in his report to Lieutenant-Colonel Paterson:
Headquarters, Sydney, 9th March, 1804.
Sir,
I beg leave to acquaint you that about half past 1 o'clock on Monday morning last, I took the command of the detachment marched from the headquarters by Lieut't Davies, consisting of 2 officers, 2 serjeants (sic), and 52 rank and file of the New South Wales Corps, and by His Excellency Governor King's Orders, I proceeded immediately to Parramatta, where we arrived at the dawn of day. I halted at the barracks about 20 minutes to refresh my party, and then marched to Government House, and agreeable to His Excellency's orders divided my detachment, giving Lieut't Davies the command of half, and taking Quartermaster Laycock and the other half, with one trooper, with myself, having the Governor's instructions to march in pursuit of the rebels along the Toongabbee Road. I proceeded that way, and directed Lieut't Davies to take the road towards Castle Hill. On my arrival at Toongabbee, I was informed the rebels, in number about 400, were on the summit of the hill. I immediately detached a corporal with four privates and about six inhabitants, armed with musquets, to take them in flank, while I proceeded with the rest up the hill, when I found the rebels had marched on for the Hawkesbury, and after a pursuit of about ten miles I got sight of them. I immediately rode forward, attended by the trooper and Mr. Dixon, the Roman Catholic priest, calling to them to halt, that I wished to speak to them. They desired that I would come into the middle of them, as their captains were there, which I refused, observing to them that I was within pistol-shot and that it was in their power to kill me, and that their captains must have very little spirit if they would not come forward to speak to me, upon which two persons, (C___ and J___) advanced towards me as their leaders to whom I represented the impropriety of their conduct, and advised them to surrender, and that I would mention them in as favourable terms as possible to the Governor. C_____ replied that they would have death or liberty. Quartermaster Laycock with the detachment just then appeared in sight, I claped (sic) my pistol to J___'s head, while the trooper did the same to C___'s, and drove them with their swords in their hands to the Quartermaster and the detachment, whom I ordered to advance and charge the main body of the rebels then formed in a line. The detachment then immediately commenced a well-directed fire, which was but weakly returned, for the rebel line being soon broken they run in all directions. We pursued them a considerable way, and have no doubt but that many of them fell. We have found 12 killed, 6 wounded, and have taken 26 prisoners.Any encomiums I could pass on Quartermaster Laycock and the detachment I had the honour of command would fall far short of what their merit entitles them to, and I trust their steady perseverance (after a fatiguing march of upwards of 45 miles) to restore order and tranquillity, will make their services acceptable.
Mr. Provost-Martial Smith, the inhabitants, and the constables who voluntarily accompanied the detachment, are equally entitled to my thanks, nor can I be neglectful of the very soldier-like conduct of the trooper who accompanied me.
I have, &c.,
Geo. Johnston, B.-Major,
N.S. Wales Corps.
Return of arms taken from the rebels: - 26 musquets, 1 fowling piece, 4 bayonets on poles, 1 pitch-fork, 1 pistol, 8 reaping hooks, 2 swords. (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 5, pp. 348-349)
Note: C_____ refers to Phillip Cunningham
J_____ refers to William Johnston
The leaders of the insurgents, Philip Cunningham and William Johnston, had come forward to talk under a flag of truce. Major Johnston put a pistol to Cunningham's head and the trooper did the same with Johnston. They were then hustled back to the detachment leaving the rebels demoralised and leaderless. The soldiers opened fire and the rebels scattered in all directions. The battle lasted ten minutes.
The Government forces arrived at the Hawkesbury at 4 p.m. with a number of prisoners, including the critically wounded Cunningham, who had received a blow from the sword of Laycock on the right side of his head. Public execution followed when Cunningham was hanged from the staircase of the newly completed, three-storey granary at Green Hills. It has been suggested that Cunningham was already dead prior to his "execution" as all the other leaders faced a court martial four days later. The other possible explanation is that he was not expected to survive the trip to Parramatta, and he was executed before he could die of his wounds.
Major Johnston reported to Governor King on the execution of Cunningham:
Green Hills, Hawkesbury, 6th March, 1804.
Sir,
I beg leave to inform your Excellency that soon after daylight this morning I detached two troopers accompanied by six of the inhabitants, well-mounted and armed, to proceed towards the Nepean, with orders that if they had any intelligence of any number of the runaways having been seen in that direction, to detach one of their party back to me, in order that I might proceed in pursuit of them. I have as yet received no information from the men I sent out, and if I find everything quiet up here, I intend returning with the detachment to Parramatta to-morrow morning, leaving eleven of the party (who are unable to march) with the detachment here.
C_______, who is one of the rebel chiefs, who was supposed to be dead on the field, was brought in here alive, and I immediately - with the opinion of the officers - ordered him to be hung up.I have, &c.,
Geo. Johnston.
(H.R.N.S.W. vol. 5, p. 345)
Charles Hill, Samuel Humes and John Place were immediately hanged on the rising of the court martial at Parramatta on 8th March. William Johnston, John Neale and George Harrington were hanged at Castle Hill the following day ; and Timothy Hogan and John Brannon at Sydney on 10th March. William Johnston and Samuel Humes were "hung in chains".
Corporal punishment was ordered to the extent of 500 lashes for four prisoners, 284 lashes for one person and 200 lashes for another four.
Governor King commented to Lord Hobart:
Sydney, 12th March, 1804.
...I deeply lament the necessity imposed on me by the existing circumstances of directing the execution of those who were selected from upwards of 200 taken with arms in their hands and had a most active part in those transactions...
The whole number of those who were armed, by plundering the settlers, &c, amounted to 333, of which two parties of 50 men each lost their way and did not join the main body. Had time allowed them , and the coercive measures delayed for one day, it is certain their forces would have been increased to upwards of 300 more from among the Irish labourers of the Hawkesbury, which would have caused much trouble, but I had no doubt of it terminating as it did...' (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 5, pp. 355-6)
Philip Cunningham had earlier been involved in the mutiny on the "Anne" in 1801. The cry on that occasion had been "Death or Liberty". The same cry was used during the Rebellion of 1804.
The Sydney Gazette of 18th March,1804, reported on the background of the "Principal Offenders":
Philip Cunningham the Principal Rebel leader, who was executed at Hawkesbury, was one of the Prisoners by the Ann, and was remarkably active in the mutinous transactions on board that vessel which rendered a recourse to rigorous exertions necessary to the safety of the Officers and crew. Some time after his arrival he was sent up to the Settlement at Castle Hill, whence he was appointed overseer of the Government Stone-masons and such was the ...indulgence shown him, that in the Course of little more than a twelvemonth he had nearly erected on his own account, a stone building of considerable value.
Samuel Humes officiated as overseer of the Carpenters, and had a convenient house, and received also many indulgences that might have awakened a sentiment of gratitude in his breast which would have prevented his disgrace and untimely exit.
John Place was the only survivor of the three who embarked on the fatal enterprise of crossing the Mountains, under the ludicrous supposition of an unknown Settlement there existing, and was pardoned on account of the pitiable and deplorable plight in which he was found. He was afterwards corporally punished for a second time absconding in order to subsist in the woods, and his restless and relentless disposition at length drew down upon him the provoked vengeance of the Law.
Charles Hill, although several years a free man had lost all sight of character, and was in consequence frequently implicated in theft and misdemeanor. He rented a farm, and might have procured an honest and comfortable livelihood, but the hope of plunder could alone induce him to join the infatuated people, and his atrocious designs obtained their due reward. The same edition of the Sydney Gazette reported:
Francois Girault, a Frenchman, in obedience to HIS EXCELLENCY'S positive command, quitted the Colony, in His Majesty's ship Calcutta, having been charged on evidence strongly presumptive with secretly abetting and encouraging the late Revolt. This man resided at Parramatta, and had for several months past devoted much of his time to trafficking as a pedlar to and from Castle Hill during which intercourse he too probably obtained an undue influence among the people at the Settlement, and availing himself of an unhappy credulity, desseminated gradually the seeds of dissention and discontent, but ingeniously in the end found means to avoid open detection and to escape condign punishment.
(Note: HRA ser.1, vol. 4, p. 695. refers to the Frenchman as Francois de Riveau or Duriault. - See section on Castle Hill.)
It must be remembered that the Sydney Gazette of 4th December, 1803, had carried notice of the Declaration of War between Great Britain and France. Governor King, in the edition of 11th December, had stated he was "Counting on the Zeal and Loyalty of all His Majesty's subjects in the Territory" and called on "every Briton and Irishman to defend their Families and Property against any Invader's mistaken Attention to this Colony".
Governor Phillip had explored the Hawkesbury River, setting out on 28th June, 1789, and travelling as far as Richmond Hill by 5th July.
Captain Hunter, who along with Captain Collins, George Johnston and Surgeon White, had accompanied the Governor, recorded in An Historical Journal 1787 -1792:
In the morning of the 6th we examined the river...By the time we had reached half a mile higher than the foot of Richmond-hill, we met the stream setting down so strong, that it was with much difficulty we could get the boats so high. We here found the river to divide into two narrow branches, from one of which the stream came down with considerable velocity, and with a fall over a range of stones which seemed to lye across its entrance: this was the fall which we had heard the night before from our situation on the side of Richmond-hill. The party had reached the confluence of the Nepean and Grose Rivers.
William Paterson was gazetted Captain in the New South Wales Corps in June, 1789. He arrived in Sydney in October, 1791, and was immediately given command of the detachment on Norfolk Island, where he served until March, 1793.
David Collins, in An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, commented for the month of September, 1793:
Captain Paterson, of the New South Wales corps, an account of whose journeys in Africa appeared in print some years ago, conceived that he might be able to penetrate as far as, or even beyond, the western mountains (commonly known in the colony by the name the Blue Mountains, from the appearance which land so high and distant generally wears), set off from the settlement with a small party of gentlemen (Captain Johnston, Mr. Palmer, and Mr. Laing the assistant surgeon) well provided with arms, and