Introduction
Exploration and Early Settlement
Captain Tench's Description of his 1791 Explorations
Relationship with the Native Inhabitants
Public Agriculture: Old Toongabbie, Portland Place and Castle Hill
Governor King's Correspondence on Public Agriculture
Collins: Early Problems with the Irish
The Castle Hill Rebellion and the Battle of Vinegar Hill
Exploration of the Grose River in September, 1793
The Hawkesbury: Early Settlement
Terms of the Early Governor's of N.S.W.
The Hawkesbury: Governor John Hunter
The Hawkesbury: Governor Philip Gidley King
Natural Disasters Part 1: Earthquakes & the Floods of 1806
The Hawkesbury: Governor William Bligh
The Intended Insurrection of 1807
Natural Disasters Part 2: the Hurricane of 1808 & the Floods of 1809
Portland Head
Andrew Thompson
Population Growth: 1796 to 1821
The Hawkesbury: Governor Lachlan Macquarie
Macquarie's Windsor Sewer / Drain
Public Works under Macquarie
Transport
Macquarie's Correspondence on Turnpike Roads
Newspaper Reports on Howe's Bridge over South Creek
Development along the Old Windsor Road
Kellyville
Richard Rouse of Rouse Hill
John Bowman and the Bowman Flag
William Cox of Clarendon
Thomas Arndell of Caddai
Archibald Bell of Belmont, Richmond Hill
Bushfires: "The Whole Country has been Ablaze"
Tobacco: Its Cultivation, Import Duties and the Economy
Reports of a Possible French Invasion
Matrimonial Overture
Sale of Wife at Windsor
Violent Robbery in the District of Pitt Town
1826: Crime and Punishment in Windsor
The Hawkesbury as an Early Tourist Destination
Population of Different Regions from the Census of 1825
Return of Average Attendances at Public Schools in N.S.W. in 1826
Some of the Major Land Grants in Northwestern Sydney
Bibliography
During the early 1980's, forward planning for Sydney's North West Sector became necessary to cater for the rapidly growing population of Australia's largest city. The outcome of this process was a decision to proceed with the Rouse Hill Development. Other areas were identified for future urban expansion.
Sydney Into Its Third Century was issued as the metropolitan strategy for the Sydney region in 1988.
Sydney's Future, a discussion paper, was released in October, 1993. An increase in the population of the Greater Metropolitan Region (the Sydney, Newcastle and Wollongong regions) to 5.2 million has been proposed by the year 2011. To support these proposals, an Integrated Transport Strategy has also been prepared.
Inevitably, further modifications will occur on an ongoing basis.
This book will examine the first thirty five years of planning and development of the Hawkesbury and Sydney's North West Sector. It will be seen that many of the issues requiring consideration in our times are identical to those which arose in an earlier era. Infrastructure (such as towns, roads, bridges, traffic management, hospitals, schools, courts, churches, cemeteries, water supply) needed to be provided and funded. Environmental issues (river bank stabilisation, tree preservation, waste disposal, water pollution) needed to be addressed. Natural disasters (floods, bushfires and earthquakes) had to be coped with. Social issues (crime and its punishment, rehabilitation of ex-criminals, official corruption, employment, social welfare, alcoholism, Aboriginal land rights, multiculturalism and even republicanism) were of vital concern.
It was a time of great change, and, for some, great opportunity.
History consists, at its most basic level, of the actions (and sometimes inaction) of individuals, and of their interactions with other individuals, both black and white, male and female. Those individuals are driven to differing degrees by a variety of forces; by their faith, their sense of duty and responsibility, by ambition or greed, by fear, by desperation, and even by hunger. They had their strengths and their weaknesses, just as we do. We can learn by studying their lives.
Mistakes were undoubtedly made, but much can be learnt from both the successes and failures of Sydney's first planners and developers, if we are willing to make the effort.
The major problems facing the colony following its foundation on 26th January, 1788, were the establishment of an ongoing food supply, adequate fresh water and relationships with the native population. The numbers of sheep and cattle were reduced by disease and the eating of poisonous grass. Cattle strayed off and the first wheat crop at Farm Cove was a failure. Rabbits were brought with the First Fleet as a self-replicating source of food but by July 1788 their numbers had been reduced to five. The loss of H.M.S. Sirius off Norfolk Island aggravated the situation further as Phillip was left with only one small vessel as a link with England, or other sources of supplies.
Realising the need for good agricultural land, Phillip set about organising a series of expeditions to explore the region. Captain John Hunter and Lieutenant William Bradley led an expedition up what is now known as the Parramatta River on 5th February, 1788, as far as Homebush Bay. Ten days later, Phillip led an expedition as far as Duck River. It was not for another two months that the Parramatta River was explored as far as the present site of Parramatta. Phillip established the settlement at Rose Hill on 2nd November, 1788. (The name was not changed to Parramatta until 4th June, 1791.) This account is given to explain the difficulties of exploration at the time, with travel along waterways being by far the easiest method of transport.
The first settlement at Rose Hill was located in what is now Parramatta Park. In March, 1789, Edward Dodd was sent to Rose Hill. With one hundred convicts under his supervision, the land was cleared, crops planted and buildings constructed. This was followed by the laying out of the town. Development of Parramatta outstripped that of Sydney. By the end of 1791, the population had increased to 1,818, of whom 1,669 were convicts.
On 8th June, 1789, Phillip followed the coast north from Manly Cove to Broken Bay, exploring several of its various branches before exploring the Hawkesbury River for a distance of twenty miles..
A second expedition up the Hawkesbury was commenced on 28th June, 1789. Phillip was accompanied by Captains Hunter, Collins and George Johnston and Surgeon White. The First and Second Branches of the river were explored. (These subsequently became the MacDonald and Colo Rivers respectively).
By 5th July the party had reached the foot of Richmond Hill, which was named after the Duke of Richmond, a member of the Pitt administration. The following day they planted "a few potatoes, Indian corn, melon and other seeds". The party was able to proceed as far as the junction of the Hawkesbury and Grose Rivers before returning to Sydney. The journey had taken 16 days.
During this time they became well aware both of the dangers of flooding and of its future potential, as can be evidenced from Phillip's report to Lord Sydney:
Government House,
Sydney Cove,
February 13th, 1790.
My Lord,
...After having been several times with the boats to Broken Bay, in order to examine the different branches in that harbour, a river was found, but the want of provisions obliged us to return without being able to trace it to its source, which has since been done; and in the sixteen days we were then out all those branches which had any depth of water were traced as far as the boats could proceed.The river, which I named Hawkesbury, after the Lord Hawkesbury, is laid down in the chart from an eye-sketch made by Captain Hunter, as we rowed up it. The breadth of this river is from three hundred to eight hundred feet, and it appears from the soundings we had to be navigable for the largest merchant ships to the foot of Richmond Hill; but as the water near the head of the river sometimes rises, after very heavy rains, thirty feet above its common level, it would not be safe for ships to go far up; but fifteen or twenty miles below Richmond Hill, they would lay in fresh water and perfectly safe. I speak of Richmond Hill as being the head of the river, it there growing very shallow, and dividing into two branches (the Nepean and the Grose).
The high rocky country which forms Broken Bay is lost as you proceed up the Hawkesbury, and the banks of the river are then covered with timber, the soil a rich light mould, and judging from the little we saw of the country, I should suppose it good land to a very considerable extent; the other branches of fresh water are shoal, but probably run many miles further into the country than we could trace them with our boats. On these rivers we saw great numbers of wild ducks and some black swans; and on the banks of the Hawkesbury several decoys made by the natives for to catch the quail.
Richmond Hill (near the foot of which a fall of water prevented our proceeding further with the boats) is the southern extremity of a range of hills, which, running to the northward, most probably join the mountains which lay nearly parallel to the coast, from fifty to sixty miles inland. The soil of Richmond Hill is good, and it lays well for cultivation. Our prospect from the hill was very extensive to the southward and eastward, the country appearing, from the height at which we were, to be a level covered with timber; there is a flat of six or seven miles between Richmond Hill and a break in the mountains, which separates Lansdown and Carmarthen Hills; and in this flat I suppose the Hawkesbury continues its course, but which could not be seen for the timber that, with very few exceptions, covers the country wherever the soil is good.
The great advantages of so noble a river, when a settlement can be made on its banks, will be obvious to your Lordship.
Broken Bay has been described in my former letters. Pitt-water as having eighteen feet at low water over a bank which lays over its entrance; and the south-west branch, as well as the western branch, which runs of from it (and leads to the Hawkesbury), as having water for the largest ships, and affording perfect security for a thousand sail; the north-west branch has only water for very small vessels. There is no danger going into this harbour but what is pointed out in the chart.
The settlement I had the honour of mentioning to your Lordship as made at Port Jackson, near the head of the harbour [Rose Hill], very fully answers my expectations; the soil is exceedingly good, lays well for cultivation, and is well watered. Six miles to the southward there is a small fresh-water river; and twenty miles to the westward there is a more considerable river, the source of which I suppose to be at the foot of the mountains. The banks of this river, which most probably empties itself into the Hawkesbury, are high; the soil a good light mould and covered with trees; the wood of some of these trees is very light; they are about the size of large walnut-trees, which they resemble; they shed their leaves, and bear a small fruit which is said to be wholesome. This river likewise frequently rises thirty feet above its common level; it is, as far as I have seen it, from three hundred to four hundred feet in breadth. I named it the Nepean, and its source will be traced in the course of the winter; and from its banks I hope to reach the mountains, which has been attempted by a party who crossed the river, but after the first day's journey they met with such a constant succession of deep ravines, the sides of which were frequently inaccessible, that they returned, not having been able to proceed more than fifteen miles in five days; when they turned back they supposed themselves to be twelve miles from the foot of the mountains.
As the land for several miles to the southward, and twenty miles to the westward of Rose Hill, that is to the banks of the Nepean, is as fine land for tillage as most in England (some few particular spots excepted, the soil of which is poor, but bears a very small proportion to the good land). I propose that tract of land for those settlers which may be sent out; and though they will be placed at some distance from each other, for the conveniency of water (from one to two and three miles), they will have nothing to apprehend from the natives, who avoid those parts we most frequent, and always retire at the site of two or three people who are armed.
As the labour of clearing the ground of timber will be great, I think each settler should not have less than twenty men on his farm, which I suppose to be from five hundred to one thousand acres; it will be necessary to give that number of convicts to those settlers who come out, and to support them for two years from the public stores; in that time, if they are in any way industrious - and I do not think they will be able to do it in less time - at the expiration of the two years, they may return half the convicts they have been allowed, and would want no further assistance from the Government... (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 1, part 2, pp.305-306)
Tench, Arndell and four others left Rose Hill in late June, 1789, and travelled due west until they reached the current site of Penrith. There they discovered the Nepean River.
In April, 1791, Phillip, accompanied by Captains Collins and Tench, Surgeon White, Dawes, three gamekeepers, two sergeants, eight privates and two Aboriginals named Colbee and Boladeree, travelled by land to the Hawkesbury, but were unable to reach Richmond Hill as they were blocked by South Creek. They returned to Rose Hill.
Further exploration proved Phillip's expectation that the Nepean and Hawkesbury were the same river. (Sydney's First Four Years. Watkin Tench: pp. 223-235 - see below)
Phillip again reported to Under Secretary Nepean, on 17th June, 1790, that settlement of the Hawkesbury should be deferred :
The river Hawkesbury will, I make no doubt, offer some desirable situations, and the great advantages of a navigable river are obvious; but before a settlement can be made there proper people to conduct it must be found, and we must be better acquainted with the country. Settlers may be sent there hereafter, but then we must have small craft to keep up communication. (H.R.A. series 1, vol. 1, p. 183)
Phillip adhered to this decision up to the time of his departure from the colony in December, 1792, his concerns remaining the transport of supplies and produce, the potential for conflict with the Aboriginal population and law enforcement in such a distant locality.
A detailed description of exploration under Phillip can be found in the Journal of R.A.H.S. vol. 12, pages 1 to 40, by Prof. G.A. Wood. Further details can be found in An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, by David Collins; Sydney's First Four Years, by Captain Watkin Tench; and An Historical Journal 1787-92, by Captain John Hunter.
Captain Watkin Tench described his journeys of exploration in his 1793 book Sydney's First Four Years.(pp. 223-238) His narrative gives an indication of the difficulties faced by Europeans in unfamiliar territory, as well as their attitudes to both the land and its native inhabitants:
In April, 1791, an expedition was undertaken, in order to ascertain whether or not the Hawkesbury and Nepean were the same river. With this in view, we proposed to fall in a little above Richmond Hill, and trace down to it; and if the weather should prove fine, to cross at the ford, and go a short distance westward, then to repass the river, and trace it upwards, until we should either arrive at some spot which we knew to be the Nepean, or should determine by its course, that the Hawkesbury was a different stream.1791. Our party was strong and numerous: it consisted of twenty-one persons, viz. The Governor, Mr. Collins and his servant, Mr. White, Mr. Dawes, the author, three gamekeepers, two serjeants, eight privates, and our friends Colbee and Boladerree. These two last were volunteers on the occasion, on being assured that we should not stay many days, and that we should carry plenty of provisions. Baneelon wished to go but his wife would not permit it. ...
But before we set out, let me describe our equipment, and try to convey to those who have rolled along on turnpike roads only, an account of those preparations which are required in traversing the wilderness. - Every man (the Governor excepted) carried his own knapsack, which contained provisions for ten days; if to this be added, a gun, a blanket, and a canteen, the weight will fall nothing short of forty pounds. Slung to the knapsack, are a cooking kettle, and the hatchet, with which the wood to kindle the nightly fire, and build the nightly hut, is to be cut down. Garbed to drag through morasses, tear through thickets, ford rivers, and scale rocks; ...
Thus encumbered, the march begins at sunrise, and with occasional halts, continues until about an hour and a half before sunset. It is necessary to stop thus early to prepare for passing the night, for toil here ends not with the march. ... The traveller now has to collect his fuel, to erect his wigwam, to fetch water, and to broil his morsel of salt pork. Let him then lie down, and if it be summer, try whether the effects of fatigue is sufficiently powerful to overcome the bites and stings of the myriad of sand flies and musquitoes which buz around him.
Monday, April 11, 1791. At twenty minutes before seven o'clock, we started from the governor's house at Rose Hill, and steered* for a short time in a north-east direction ...
[* Our method, on these expeditions, was to steer by compass, noting the different courses as we proceeded; and counting the number of paces, of which two thousand two hundred, on good ground, were allowed to be a mile. At night when we halted, all these courses were separately caste up, and worked by a traverse table, in the manner a ship's reckoning is kept; so that by observing this precaution, we always knew exactly where we were, and how far from home: an unspeakable advantage in a new country, where one hill, and one tree, is so like another, that fatal wanderings would ensue without it. This arduous task was always allotted to Mr. Dawes, who, from habit and superior skill, performed it almost without a stop, or an interruption of conversation; to any other man, on such terms, it would have been impracticable.]
...We expected to have derived from them (their native companions) much information relating to the country; as no one doubted they were acquainted with every part of it between the sea-coast and the river Hawkesbury. We hoped also to have witnessed their manner of living in the woods, and the resources they rely upon in their journies. Nothing of this sort has yet occurred, except their examining some trees, to see if they could discover on the bark any marks of the claws of squirrels or opossums, which they said would shew whether any of those animals were hidden among the leaves or branches. They walked stoutly, appeared but little fatigued, and maintained their spirits admirably, laughing to excess when any of us either tripped or stumbled; misfortunes which much seldomer fell to their lot than ours. At a very short distance from Rose Hill, we found that they were in a country unknown to them; so the farther they went, the more dependent on us they became, being absolute strangers inland. To convey to their understandings the intention of our journey, was impossible. For, perhaps, no word could unfold to an Indian, the motives of curiosity, which induce men to encounter labour, fatigue, and pain, when they might remain in repose at home, with a sufficiency of food. - We asked Colbee the name of the people who live inland, and he called them Boo-roo-ber-on-gal; and said, they were bad; whence we conjectured, that they sometimes war with those on the sea coast, by whom they were undoubtedly driven up the country from the fishing ground, that it might not be overstocked: the weaker here, as in every other country, giving way to the stronger. We asked how they lived. He said, on birds and animals, having no fish. ...
Tuesday, April 12th, 1791. Started this morning at half past six o'clock, and in two hours reached the river. ...The stream at this place is about three hundred and fifty feet wide; and the water pure and excellent to the taste; the banks are about twenty feet high, and covered with trees, many of which had been evidently bent by the force of the current, in the direction in which it runs, and some of them contained rubbish and drift wood in their branches at least forty-five feet above the level of the stream.
April, 1791. Supposing ourselves to be higher on the stream than Richmond Hill, we agreed to trace downwards.. In tracing, we kept as close to the bank of the river, as the innumerable impediments to walking which grow upon it, would allow. We found the country low and swampy.... Having walked nearly three miles we were stopped by a creek which we could neither ford, or fall a tree across (Cattai Creek) ... Our natives continued to hold out stoutly. The hindrances to walking by the river side, which plagued and entangled us so much, seemed not to be heeded by them, and they wound through them with ease; but to us they were intolerably tiresome. Our perplexity afforded them an inexhaustible fund of merriment and derision: - did the sufferer, stung at once with nettles and ridicule, and shaken nigh to death by his fall, use an angry expression to them, they retorted in a moment, by calling him by every opprobrious name which their language affords. [Footnote by Tench: "Their general favourite term of reproach is Go-nin-Pat-ta, which signifies, an eater of human excrement. - Our language would admit a very concise and familiar translation. They have, besides this, innumerable others, which they often salute their enemies with"]
Wednesday, April 13th, 1791...We continued to trace the creek. The country which we passed through yesterday was good and desirable to what was now presented to us: it was in general high and universally rocky... We mounted a hill, and surveyed the contiguous country. To the northward and eastward, the ground was still higher than that we were upon; but in a south-west direction we saw about four miles: the view consisted of nothing but trees growing on precipices; not an acre of it could be cultivated...About two o'clock we reached the head of the creek; passed it, and scrambled with infinite toil and difficulty to the top of a neighbouring mountain, whence we saw the adjacent country, in almost every direction, for many miles. I record with regret that this extended view presented not a single gleam of chance, which would engage hope, or stimulate industry, to attempt its culture. We had, however, the satisfaction to discover plainly the object of our pursuit, Richmond Hill, distant about eight miles, in a contrary direction from what we had been proceeding upon. It was readily known to those who had been up the Hawkesbury in the boats, by a remarkable cleft or notch which distinguishes it. It was now determined that we should go back to the head of the creek, and pass the night there; and in the morning cut across the country to that part of the river which we had first hit upon yesterday, and hence to trace it upwards, or to the left. - But, before I descend, I must not forget to relate, that to this pile of desolation... his excellency was pleased to give the name of Tench's Prospect Mount.
Thursday, April 14th, 1791. We started early and reached the river in about two hours and a half... Here we began to trace upward. We had not proceeded far, when we saw several canoes on the river. Our natives made us immediately lie down among the reeds, while they gave their countrymen the signal to approach. After much calling, finding that they did not come, we continued our progress until it was again interrupted by a creek [Bardenarang Creek], over which we threw a tree, and passed upon it. While this was doing, a native, from his canoe, entered into conversation with us, and immediately after, paddled to us, with a frankness and confidence, which surprized every one. He was a man of middle age, with an open cheerful countenance, marked with the small pox, and distinguished with a nose of uncommon magnitude and dignity... We pursued our course, and to accommodate us, our new acquaintance pointed out a path, and walked at the head of us; a canoe, also with a man and boy in it, kept gently paddling up abreast of us. We halted for the night, at our usual hour, on the bank of the river. Immediately that we had stopped, our friend (who had already told us his name) Gom-bee-ree, introduced the man and the boy, from the canoe, to us: the former was named Yel-lo-mun-dee, the latter Dee-im-ba.... Having refreshed ourselves, we found leisure to enter into conversation with them...What we were able to learn from them was, that they depend but little on fish, as the river yields only mullets, and that their principal support is derived from small animals which they kill, and some roots (a species of wild yam chiefly) which they dig out of the earth.
Friday, April 15th, 1791... Soon after they bade us adieu, in unabated friendship and good humour. Colbee and Boladeree parted from them with a slight nod of the head, the usual salutation of the country; and we shook them by the hand, which they returned lustily.
At the time we started the tide was flowing up the river, a decisive proof that we were below Richmond Hill. We had continued our march but a short time when we were again stopped by a creek (South Creek), which baffled all our endeavours to cross it... We tracked the creek until four o'clock, when we halted for the night...
Saturday April 16th, 1791. It was this morning resolved to abandon our pursuit, and to return home; at hearing of which our natives expressed great joy. We started early; and reached Rose Hill about three o'clock...
RICHMOND HILL
Having eluded our last search, Mr. Dawes and myself, accompanied by a serjeant of marines and a private soldier, determined on another attempt, to ascertain whether it lay on the Hawkesbury or Nepean. We set out on this expedition on the 24th of May, 1791; and having reached the opposite side of the mouth of the creek which had in our last journey prevented our progress, we proceeded from there up to Richmond Hill, by the river side; mounted it; slept at its foot; and on the following day penetrated some miles westward or inland of it, until we were stopped by a mountainous country, which our scarcity of provisions, joined to the terror of a river at our back, whose sudden rising is almost beyond computation, hindered us from exploring. To the elevation which bounded our research, we gave the name of Knight Hill**, in honour of our trusty serjeant, who had been the faithful indefatigable companion of all our travels.
This excursion completely settled the long contested point about the Hawkesbury and Nepean: - we found them to be one river. Without knowing it, Mr. Dawes and myself had passed Richmond Hill almost a year before (in August, 1790), and from there walked on the bank of the river, to the spot where my discovery of the Nepean happened, in June, 1789. Our ignorance arose from never before having seen the hill; and from the erroneous position assigned to it by those who had been in the boats up the river. ** Kurrajong Heights
Early relationships between the Aborigines (Eora and Dharug) and the First Fleeters were amicable but it later became obvious that the newcomers had no respect for native land management. Clearing of the land for farming reduced the Aboriginal food supply. There was also competition for fish, wild ducks and kangaroos as both whites and blacks faced food shortages. Clashes soon occurred as the newcomers were unwilling to share their crops and their livestock.
Phillip was under instructions not to retaliate against Aboriginal attack as little was known about their numbers, technology or social structure. The Europeans were outnumbered and their firearms inaccurate except at close range and sometimes unreliable.
The spread of European settlement was greatly facilitated by an epidemic of smallpox in April, 1789. An epidemic of smallpox had occurred in England in the Eighteenth Century and in 1721 deliberate inoculation of smallpox (variolation) against the native disease was introduced in England from Turkey. (Variolation was replaced by inoculation of cowpox after Jenner's studies were published in 1798.) It appears that thousands of Aboriginals in the Sydney region were killed by this epidemic, and many more disabled. There is still major debate as to the origins of this outbreak and the possibility of misdiagnosis (ie. was it some other disease such as chicken pox taking a more virulent form in a previously unexposed population).
David Collins commented of the epidemic:
In the year 1789 they were visited by a disorder which raged among them with all the appearance and virulence of the small-pox. The number that it swept off, by their own accounts, was incredible. At the time a native was living with us; and on our taking him down to the harbour to look for his former companions, those who witnessed his expression and agony can never forget either. He looked anxiously around him in the different coves we visited; not a vestige on the sand was to be found of a human foot; the excavations in the rocks were filled with the putrid bodies of those who had fallen victims of the disorder; not a living person was anywhere to be met with. It seemed as if, flying from the contagion, they had left the dead to bury the dead. He lifted up his hands and eyes in silent agony for some time; at last he exclaimed, ;All dead! All dead!' and then hung his head in mournful silence, which he preserved during the remainder of our excursion...On visiting Broken Bay, we found that it had not been confined to Port Jackson, for in many places our path was covered with skeletons, and the same spectacles were to be met with in the hollows of most of the rocks of that harbour. Notwithstanding the town of Sydney was at the time filled with children, many of whom visited the natives that were ill with this disorder, not one of them caught it, though a North-American Indian, a sailor belonging to Captain Bell's vessel, the Supply, sickened of it and died. To this disorder they gave a name, Gal-gal-la; and that it was the small-pox there was scarcely a doubt; for the persons affected with it are affected exactly as Europeans are who have that disorder; and on many that had recovered from it we saw the traces, in some the ravages of it on the face. As proof of the numbers of those miserable people who were carried off by this disorder, Bennillong told us, that his friend Cole-be's tribe being reduced by its effects to three persons...they found themselves compelled to unite with some other tribe, not only for their personal protection, but to prevent the extinction of their tribe. (An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales. Vol. 1, pp. 496-7)
Captain Watkin Tench commented:
An extraordinary calamity was now observed among the natives. Repeated accounts brought by our boats of finding bodies of the Indians in all the coves of the harbour, caused the gentlemen of our hospital to procure some of them for the purposes of examination and anatomy. On inspection, it appeared that all the parties had died a natural death: pustules, similar to those occasioned by the small pox, were thickly spread on the bodies; but how a disease, to which our former observations had led us to suppose them strangers, could have at once introduced itself, and have spread so widely, seemed inexplicable. (Sydney's First Four Years. p. 146)
Tench, in a footnote, continued:
No solution of this difficulty had been given when I left the country, in December, 1791. I can, therefore, only propose queries for the ingenuity of others to exercise itself upon: Is it a disease indigenous to the country? Did the French ships under Monsieur de Peyrouse introduce it? let it be remembered that they had now been departed more than a year; and we had never heard of its existence on board of them. - Had it travelled across the continent from its western shore, where Dampier and other European voyagers had formerly landed? - Was it introduced by Mr. Cook? - Did we give it birth here? No person among us had been afflicted with the disorder since we had quitted the Cape of Good Hope, seventeen months before. It is true, that our surgeons had brought out Variolous Matter in bottles; but to infer that it was produced from this cause were a supposition so wild as to be unworthy of consideration.
It must be noted, however, that Tench felt it necessary to deny these allegations.
Phillip reported to Lord Sydney on 13th February, 1790, (H.R.A. series 1, vol. 1, p. 159):
It is not possible to determine the number of natives who were carried off by this fatal disorder. It must be great; and judging from the information of the native now living with us ... one-half of those who inhabit this part of the country died.
David Collins also offered another explanation for the reduced numbers of native inhabitants:
Gaining every day some further knowledge of the inhuman habits and customs of these people, their being so thinly scattered through the country ceased to be a matter of surprise. It was almost daily seen, that from some trifling cause or other they were continually living in a state of warfare; to this must be added their brutal treatment of their women, who are themselves equally destructive to the measure of population, by the horrid and cruel custom of endeavouring to cause a miscarriage, which their female acquaintance effect by pressing the body in such a way, as to destroy the infant in the womb; which violence not infrequently occasions the death of the unnatural mother also. To this they have recourse, to avoid the trouble of carrying the infant about when born, which, when it is very young, or at the breast, is the duty of the woman. The operation for this destructive purpose is termed Mee-bra. The burying of an infant (when at the breast) with the mother, if she should die, is another shocking cause for the thinness of population among them. The fact that such an operation as the Mee-bra was practiced by these wretched people was communicated to me by one of the natives to the principal surgeon of the settlement. (An Account of the English Colony of New South Wales. Vol. 2, p. 90)
The effect of the epidemic was to greatly facilitate exploration. Phillip came across very few Aboriginals when exploring the Hawkesbury in June, 1789.
By February, 1790, conflict between Europeans and Aboriginals was a problem in the Parramatta region and extended to the Hawkesbury following settlement of that region. The Hawkesbury has been described as being in an open state of war between 1795 and 1805.
Captain Paterson, reporting to the Right Hon. Henry Dundas, on 15th June, 1795, stated (H.R.A. series 1, vol. 1, p.499):
The number of settlers on the banks of the Hawkesbury, with their families, amounts to upwards of four hundred persons, and their grounds extend nearly thirty miles along the banks on both sides of the river. They have for some time past been annoyed by the natives, who have assembled in large parties for the purpose of plundering them of their corn; and from the impossibility of furnishing each settler with firearms for his defence, several accidents have happened. Within a few weeks five people have been killed and several wounded. It therefore became absolutely necessary to take some measures which might secure to the settlers the peaceable possession of their estates, and without which, from the alarm these murders have created, I very much feared they would have abandoned the settlement entirely, and given up the most fertile spot which has yet been discovered in the colony. I therefore sent a detachment of two subalterns and sixty privates of the New South Wales Corps to the river, as well as to drive the natives to a distance, as for the protection of the settlers. With this view a subaltern's party is to remain there after the service they are now gone upon is performed. I have just received a report from the commanding officer of the detachment informing me that the night after his arrival at the river the party had fired upon and pursued a large body of natives, who had concealed themselves in the neighbouring woods during the day, and at night came to a settler's farm to plunder it; that he supposes that seven or eight natives were killed, and that he was taking every measure he thought likely to deter them from appearing there again. I now have in my possession one man and four women (natives) who were taken prisoner some short time since at the Hawkesbury from amongst a large party who were plundering the settlers. I mean to keep them until they can be made to understand that it is not in their interest to do us injuries, and that we are readier to be friends than enemies; but that we cannot suffer our people to be inhumanely butchered, and their labour rendered useless by their depredations, with impunity. It gives me concern to have been forced to destroy any of these people, particularly as I have no doubt of their having been cruelly treated by some of the first settlers who went out there; however, had I not taken this step, every prospect of advantage which the colony may expect to derive from a settlement formed on the banks of so fine a river as the Hawkesbury would be at an end.
The commanding officer at the Hawkesbury was Edward Abbott. He was promoted to Captain in 1795 and was invalided to England in September, 1796. He returned to Sydney in 1799, and was granted 1,300 acres by Governor King in 1804 for his part in suppressing the Irish insurrection.
Conflict between the natives and Europeans was inevitable. The Aboriginals were being expelled from part of their land and found their traditional food supply diminishing. The Europeans were in a unaccustomed environment. They were struggling to overcome a shortage of food and supplies, which were threatened by the indigenous population and by flooding.
Governor Hunter, on 22nd February, 1796, was to order;
The frequent attacks and depredations to which the settlers on the banks of the Hawkesbury and other places are liable from the natives renders it indespensably necessary for the general security of the farmers and their families, as well as for the preservation of their crops, that they should on all occasions of alarm mutually afford their assistance to each other by assembling without a moment delay whenever any numerous body of the natives are known to be lurking about the farms. ... If it shall hereafter be known that any settler or other person do withdraw or keep back their assistance from those who may be threatened or of danger of being attack'd, they will be proceeded against as persons disobeying the rules and orders of the settlement...It is proper here also to signify that it is his Excellency's positive injunction to the settlers and others who have firearms that they do not wantonly fire at or take the lives of any of the natives, as such an act would be considered a deliberate murder, and subject the offender to such punishment as (if proved) the law might direct to be inflicted. It has been intimated to the Governor that there have been frequently seen amongst the natives two white men, who it is known have absconded from their duty, and who, it is believed, direct and assist in those acts of hostility by which so many have suffered. It is therefore recommended to all persons in the settlement... that they do by every means in their power to secure them, that they may be disposed of as to prevent their being hereafter troublesome or dangerous. The Governor takes this opportunity of strictly forbidding the settlers from giving any encouragement to the natives to lurk about their farms. There can be no doubt that had they never met with the shelter which some had afforded them they would not at this time have been so very troublesome and dangerous. (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 3, pp. 25-26)
Governor King reported to Lord Hobart on 30th October, 1802, :
... the natives having shown a disposition to become troublesome to the settlers, who, resisting their depredations, all the natives left that district, and soon after plundered many of the settlers, wantonly murdered four white men, and cruelly used some of the convict women at different times. The natives around Sydney and Hawkesbury continued as domesticated as ever, and reprobated the conduct of the natives in the neighbourhood of Parramatta and Toongabbee, who were irritated by an active, daring leader named Pemulwye...Decided measures therefore became necessary to prevent the out-settlers from being robbed and plundered, and to restore the natives to a friendly intercourse...as it is a practice strictly observed among the natives that murder should be atoned by the life of the murderer or someone belonging to him, the natives were told 'that when Pemulwye was given up they should be readmitted to our friendship'. Some time after two settlers, not having the means of securing the persons of Permulwye and another native, shot them. On this event they requested that Permulwye's head might be carried to the Governor...All anger being dropped on their part, they hoped I would allow them to return to Parramatta. Orders were immediately given to that effect and not to molest or ill-treat any native. (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 4, pp. 867-8)
After investigating complaints against the natives by a settler from Portland
Head, Governor King reported, on 20th December, 1804, to Lord Hobart: Wishing to be convinced myself what cause there was for these alarms, three of the natives from that part of the river readily came on being sent for. On questioning the cause of their disagreement with the new settlers they very ingenuously answered that they did not like to be driven from the few places that were left on the banks of the river, where alone they could procure food; that they had gone down the river as the white men took possession of the banks; if they went across white men's grounds the settlers fired upon them and were angry; that if they could retain some places on the lower part of the river they should be satisfied, and would not trouble the white men. The observation appeared to be so just and so equitable that I assured them that no more settlements should be made lower down the river. With that assurance they appeared well satisfied and promised to be quiet, in which state they continue. (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 5, p. 513)
Governor King's attitude to the native population was certainly enlightened in comparison to others of his time but one must speculate on the extent to which his actions were influenced by the rebellion of the Irish convicts which had occurred in March, 1804, and the threat of a repeat of that event. Comparison must also be made between the attitude of the Government to the Aboriginals and the Irish.
Included in William Bligh's Instructions from King George, dated 25th May, 1805, was the following :
You are to endeavour by every possible means to extend your intercourse with the natives and conciliate their affections, enjoining all our subjects to live in amity and kindness with them; and if any of our subjects shall wantonly destroy them, or give them any unnecessary interruption of the exercises of their several occupations, it is our will and pleasure that you do cause such offenders to be brought to punishment according to the degree of the offence. (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 5, p. 637)
These were exactly the same instructions given earlier to Arthur Phillip (25th April, 1787), Governor Hunter (1st July, 1794), Governor King, and subsequently to Governor Macquarie on 9th May, 1809.
Hostilities again occurred in 1816. By this time further grants had been issued in the Hawkesbury and in the District of Upper Nelson as the result of the emancipation of more convicts and the increasing white population. This resulted in the displacement of natives from their traditional lands.
Macquarie reported to Earl Bathurst on 8th June, 1816:
...in consequence of the hostile and Sanguine disposition Manifested for a Considerable time past by the Aboriginals of this Country, I had determined to send out some Military Detachments into the interior, either to apprehend or destroy them....I found it Necessary on the 10th of April to Order Three Detachments of the 46th Regiment under the several Commands of Captains Schaw and Wallis, and Lieutenant Dawe of that Corps, to proceed to those Districts most infested and Annoyed by them on the Banks and in the Neighbourhood of the Rivers, Nepean, Hawkesbury and Grose, giving them instructions to make as many Prisoners as possible ; this Service Occupied a Period of 23 days, during which time the Military Parties very rarely met with any of the Hostile Tribes. (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol.9, p.139-40)
A party under Captain Wallis engaged a native encampment, killing 14 and taking 5 prisoners, "among the killed there is every reason to believe that Two of the most ferocious and Sanguinary of the Natives were included." (ibid. pp. 139-40)
Macquarie stated that on 4th May, 1816, he had issued a Proclamation:
holding out to the Natives various encouragements with a view to invite and induce them to relinquish their Wandering Predatory habits and to avail themselves of the indulgences offered to them as Settlers in degrees suitable to their Circumstances and Situations. It is scarcely possible to calculate with any degree of Precision on the result that this Proclamation may have on so rude and unenlightened a race; but it has already produced the good effect of bringing in some of the most troublesome of the Natives, who have promised to cease their Hostility and to avail themselves of the Protection of this Government by becoming Settlers, or engaging themselves as Servants.
The Proclamation included a number of measures to safeguard the Settlers:
First. - That from and after the Fourth Day of June... no Black Native or Body of Black Natives shall ever appear at or within one Mile of any Town, Village, or Farm, occupied by, or belonging to any British Subject, armed with any warlike or offensive Weapon or Weapons of any Descriptions, such as Spears, Clubs, or Waddies, on Pain of being deemed and considered in a State of Aggression and Hostility, and treated accordingly. Second.- That no Number of Natives, exceeding in the Whole Six Persons, being entirely unarmed, shall ever come to lurk or loiter about any Farm in the Interior, on the Pain of being considered Enemies, and treated accordingly. Third. - That the Practice, hitherto observed amongst the Native Tribes, of assembling in large Bodies or Parties armed, and of fighting and attacking each other on the Plea of inflicting Punishments on Transgressors of their own Customs and Manners at or near Sydney, and other principal Towns and Settlements in the Colony, shall be henceforth wholly abolished, as a barbarous Custom repugnant to the British Laws... Fourth. - That such of the Natives as may wish to be considered under the Protection of the British Government, and disposed to conduct themselves in a peaceful, inoffensive, and honest Manner, shall be furnished with Passports or Certificates to that Effect, signed by the Governor, on their making Application for the same at the Secretary's Office at Sydney, on the First Monday of every succeeding Month ; which Certificates they will find will protect them from being injured or molested by any Person, so long as they conduct themselves peaceably, inoffensively, and honestly, and do not carry or use any offensive Weapons, contrary to the Tenor of this Proclamation.
Those willing to become settlers would be granted "small Portions of Land, in suitable and convenient Parts of the Colony" and receive :
First. - That they and their Families shall be victualled from the King's Stores for Six Months, from the Time of their going to reside actually on their Farms. Secondly. - That they shall be furnished with the necessary Agricultural Tools, and also with Wheat, Maize and Potatoes for Seed, and Thirdly. - To each person of a Family, one Suit of Slops and one Colonial Blanket from the King's Stores shall be given. (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 9, pp.141-45)
Governor Macquarie reported to Earl Bathurst, on 4th April, 1817:
In my Dispatch P'r the Brig Alexander of date 8th June last, I had the Honor of Informing Your Lordship of the Measures, which I had deemed it advisable to pursue in respect to Quelling and Subduing the hostile Spirit of Violence and Rapine, which the black Natives or Aborigines of the Country had for a Considerable time past Manifested against the White Inhabitants; and I have now much pleasure in reporting to Your Lordship that the Measures I had then and have Subsequently adopted have been attended with the desired Effect , and that all Hostility on both Sides has long since Ceased; the black Natives living now peaceably and quietly in every part of the Colony, Unmolested by the White Inhabitants. The Measure of disarming the Natives had an immediate good Effect upon them, and the Proclamations Issued Subsequently under dates, 20th of July, and 1st of November, 1816, the first outlawing some of the Most Violent and Atrocious Natives, and the second holding out Indemnity to such as delivered themselves within a prescribed Period, made them at length fully Sensible of the Folly of their Conduct, and soon afterwards induced the Principal Chiefs to Come in at the Heads of their respective Tribes to sue for Peace and deliver up their Arms in All due Form in Terms of the Proclamation of the 4th of May, 1816, ...
...a numerous friendly Meeting of whom (Hostile Natives) took place at Parramatta on the 28th of December last, when I gave them a plentiful Treat of Meat and Drink; on which occasion 179 Men, Women, and Children were assembled, being a greater Number than had been seen together at any one time for Several Years past; they All appeared happy and perfectly Satisfied with the Meeting, and some of them of their own free Will and Accord gave up their Children for the Native Institution, which I had established at Parramatta some time before; and this Institution, from the progress the Children have already made, gives great Hope that it will ultimately pave the way for the Civilization of a large Portion of the Aborigines of the Country (HRA ser. 1, vol. 9, p. 342)
There was clearly a marked difference in attitude to the native inhabitants between Governors King and Macquarie, and to their respective interpretation of their Instructions from the Crown, particularly the words "or give them any unnecessary interruption of the exercises of their several occupations".
Following his departure from the Colony, Macquarie reported to Bathurst:
20. Considering the poor Black Natives or Aborigines of the Colony entitled to the peculiar protection of the British Government, on account of their being driven from the Sea Coast by our settling thereon, and subsequently occupying their best Hunting Grounds in the Interior, I deemed it an act of justice, as well as of Humanity, to make at least an attempt to ameliorate their condition and to endeavour to civilize them in as far as their wandering habits would admit of.
...26. The Adults, however, are naturally very indolent and adverse to labour, and I had consequently great difficulty in prevailing on any of them to become regular Settlers. But determined to persevere in my endeavours to civilize these poor inoffensive Human Beings, I at length prevailed on Five different Tribes to become Settlers, giving them their choice of situations. Three of the Tribes chose to settle on the Shores of Port Jackson in the vicinity of Sydney, on account of the convenience of fishing, for which purpose I furnished them with Boats and Fishing Tackle. The other two Tribes preferred taking their Farms in the Interior, from the produce of which they now maintain themselves, and appear much pleased with their change of condition; and their good example I hope will in due time reconcile many of the other adult Native Blacks to become Settlers.. (H.R.A. vol. 10, pp. 676-78)
Thomas Daveney, a free settler, was officially appointed superintendent of convicts at Toongabbie on 1st April, 1791. The convicts' task was to clear land between Old Government House at Parramatta and Toongabbie Creek. Phillip named the area Toon-gab-ee, the Aboriginal name for the area.
Captain Watkin Tench on 5th December, 1791, commented:
Walked on to the second settlement (Toongabbie), about two miles farther, through an uncleared country. Here met Daveney, the person who planned, and now superintands, all the operations carried on here. He told me that he estimated the quantity of cleared ground here at three hundred acres; he certainly over-rates it one third, by the judgement of every other person; six weeks ago it was a forest: it has been cleared, and the wood nearly burnt off the ground by five hundred men, in the beforementioned period, or rather in thirty days, for only that number have the convicts worked. He said it was too late to plant maize, and therefore he should sow turnips, which would help to meliorate and prepare it for next year... I wished to know whether he had chosen this ground simply from the conveniency of its situation to Rose Hill, and its easy form of tillage, and having water; or from any marks which he thought indicated good soil. He said that what I had mentioned, no doubt, weighed with him; and that he judged the soil to be good, from the limbs of many of the trees growing on it being covered with moss...Thirteen large huts, similar to those before-mentioned, contain all the people here. To every hut are appointed two men, as hut-keepers, whose only employment is to watch the huts in working hours, to prevent them from being robbed. This has somewhat checked depredations, and those endless complaints from the convicts, that they could not work, because they had nothing to eat, their allowance being stolen. - The work hours at this season (summer) are from five o'clock in the morning until ten; rest from ten to two; return to work at two, and continue till sunset. This surely cannot be called very severe toil; but on the other hand must be remembered the inadequacy of a ration of salt provisions, with few vegetables, and unassisted by any liquor but water. (Sydney's First Four Years - Captain Watkin Tench p. 249-250)
George Thompson, who sailed in the Royal Admiral, recorded in his Journal in May, 1792:
About four miles from this place (Parramatta) is another settlement - Toongabby - where the greatest number of convicts are, and work very hard (there is also a good crop of corn standing, and promises well). Their hours of work are from five in the morning till eleven; they then leave off till two in the afternoon, and work from that time until sunset. They are allowed no breakfast hour, because they have seldom anything to eat. Their labour is felling trees, digging up the stumps, rooting up the shrubs and grass, turning up the ground with spades or hoes, and carrying the timber to convenient places. From the heat of the sun, the short allowance of provisions, and the ill-treatment they receive from a set of merciless wretches (most of them of their own description) who are their superintendents, their lives are rendered truly miserable. At night they are placed in a hut, perhaps fourteen, sixteen, or eighteen together (with one woman, whose duty it is to keep it clean and provide victuals for the men while at work), without the comfort of either bed or blankets, unless they take them from the ship they came out in, or rich enough to purchase them when they come on shore. They have neither bowl, plate, spoon, or knife but what they make out of the green wood of this country, only one small iron pot being allowed to dress their poor allowance of meat, rice, &c.; in short, all the necessary conveniences of life they are strangers to, and suffer everything they could dread in their sentence of transportation. Some time since it was not uncommon for seven or eight to die in one day, and very often while at work, they being kept in the field till the last moment, and frequently while being carried to the hospital. Many a one has died standing at the door of the storehouse waiting for his allowance of provision, merely for want of sustenance and necessary food. So great was the mortality among them, that upward of (blank) died in one year; and of 450 that came from England in the Pitt, only twenty-nine were alive six weeks since at a general muster. [Note: This figure is generally regarded as an exaggeration. Collins stated that 368 adult convicts were landed. The death rate was however confirmed elsewhere as being very high.] (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 2, p. 795)
Governor Arthur Phillip reported to Dundas on 2nd October, 1792:
a new settlement, formed about three miles to the westward of Parramatta, and to which I have given the name of Toon-gab-be, a name by which the natives distinguish the spot. The soil is good, and in the neighbourhood of this place there are several thousand acres of exceedingly good ground. the quantity of ground in cultivation by the settlers is 416 acres, and they have 97 acres more ground cleared of timber. (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 1 part 2, p. 645)
By 30th November, 1792 :
Five hundred convicts were constantly employed for twelve months in clearing 720 acres of land now thus disposed of : 172 acres in wheat, 12 acres of barley, 460 acres of Indian corn or maize ; the town and gardens occupy the remaining 26... (HRNSW vol. 2, p. 807)
George Barrington was one of three convicts granted their emancipation on 3rd November, 1792, and received a grant of 30 acres. He became Chief Constable at Parramatta in September, 1796. He resigned from this position in 1800 and had drank himself to death by 1804.
Thomas Daveney wrote a somewhat contradictory letter to a friend on 1st July, 1794, stating:
This place is situated eighteen miles inland from Sydney Cove. I thank God we live at present in a state of ease and tranquillity, having a plentiful supply of every necessity from England, the East Indies, and America. On the 8th of March, at eleven o'clock in the morning, the last ounce of animal food then in store was actually issued to all ranks and descriptions of people alike, and nothing but absolute famine stared us in the face; the labour of the convicts was remitted, and everyone seemed to despond, when, in the evening of the same day, the William arrived from London, and a ship from Bengal, loaded with provisions of every kind. (HRNSW vol. 2, p. 814)
Daveney was dismissed from his position by Grose in 1794. He died within a year after rapidly consuming a half gallon of brandy.
Of Daveney, David Collins wrote:
July, 1795.]...On the same day (20th) a civil court was held for the purpose of granting probate on the will of Thomas Daveney, late a superintendant of convicts, who died on the 3rd of the month. The cause of his death was extraordinary. He had (been) appointed a superintendant of the convicts employed in agriculture at Toongabbie by the late Governor Phillip, who, considering him trustworthy, placed great confidence in him. Some time after Governor Phillip's departure, his conduct was represented to the lieutenant-governor in such a light, that he dismissed him from his situation, and he retired to a farm which he had at Toongabbie. He had been always addicted to the use of spirituous liquors; but he now applied himself even more closely to them, to drown the recollection of his disgrace. In this vice he continued until the 3rd of May last, on which day he came to Sydney in a state of insanity. He went to the house of a friend in the town, determined, as it seemed, to destroy himself; for he there drank, unknown to the people of the house, as fast as he could swallow, nearly half a gallon of Cape brandy. He fell directly upon the floor of the room he was in (which happened to be of brick); where the people, thinking nothing worse than intoxication ailed him, suffered him to lie for ten or twelve hours; in consequence he was seized with a violent inflammation which broke out on the arm, and that part of the body which lay next to the ground; to this, after suppuration had taken place, and several operations had been performed to extract the pus, a mortification succeeded, and at last carried him off on the 3rd July. A few hours before his death he requested to see the judge-advocate, to whom he declared, that it had been told him that he had been suspected of having improperly and tyrannically abused the confidence which he had enjoyed under Governor Phillip; but that he could safely declare that he was shortly to appear before the last tribunal, that nothing lay on his conscience which could make his last moments in this life painful. At his own request he was interred in the burying ground at Parramatta. He had been advancing his means pretty rapidly; for, after his decease, his stock of goats, consisting of eighty-six males and females, sold by public auction for three hundred and fifty-seven pounds fifteen shillings. He left a widow (formerly Catherine Hounson) who had for several years been deranged in her intellects. (An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales- David Collins. Vol. 1, pp. 354-5)
Major Francis Grose was sworn in as Lieutenant-Governor on 31st December, 1792. Grose entrusted Captain John Macarthur "with the direction of the convicts employed there (Parramatta) and at Toongabbie in cultivation, as well as to take charge of the public grain..."
Richard Fitzgerald reported:
that in 1792 to 1793 there were nearly nine hundred men and upward of two hundred and sixty women employed at the farm. The men worked in gangs of twenty-five and were allotted a task. The heaviest work was felling an acre of ground per week. One third of the convicts employed were boys, but they were employed in lighter tasks.
David Collins, again in his book An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales wrote about Toongabbie on several occasions. Some extracts include:
May, 1792] It was soon perceived, that the punishment of being sent from Parramatta (to Toongabbie) was more dreaded by the convicts than any corporal punishment, however severe, that could have been inflicted on them (vol. 1, p. 177)July, 1792] At the settlements beyond Parramatta (which had lately obtained and were in future to be distinguished by the name of Toongabbie) the convicts were employed in preparing the ground for the reception of next years crop of maize." (p. 189)
October, 1792] At Toongabbie, forty-two acres of wheat, sown about the middle of last March, looked as promising as could be wished; the remainder of the wheat, from being sown six weeks later, did not look so fine and abundant... (p. 203)
December, 1792] At the other settlement they had begun to reap the wheat which was sown in April last; and for want of a granary at that place it was put in stacks. From not being immediately thrashed out, there was no knowing with certainty what the produce of it was, but it had every appearance of turning out well. (p. 207)
... At and leading to Toongabbie:
Acres in wheat - 171.5
Acres in Barley - 14
Acres in maize - 511
Total number of acres - 696.5 (p. 209)
February, 1793] the workmen were now employed in constructing a barn and granary upon a very extensive scale. (p. 229)
May, 1793] At Toongabbie no addition had been made to the public ground since Governor Phillip's departure; but by a survey made at the latter end of this month it appeared, that the officers to whom lands had been granted, had cultivated and cleared two hundred and thirty-three acres, and had cut down the timber from two hundred and nineteen more. All the settlers of a different description had added something to their grounds; and there were many who might be pronounced to be advancing fast towards the comfortable situation of independent farmers. (p. 241)
July, 1793] About the middle of the month all the wheat which was to be sown was got in at and near Toongabbie; the quantity of the ground was about three hundred and eighty acres. (p. 251)
December, 1794] A jail gang was also ordered to be established at Toongabbie, for the employment and punishment of all bad and suspicious characters."..."The ground about Toongabbie was pronounced to be worn out, the produce of the last harvest not averaging more than six or seven bushels an acre, though at first it was computed at seventeen. (p. 337)
April, 1795] It was determined to let the Toongabbie Hills remain fallow for a season, they being reported to be worn out. Other ground, which had been prepared, was now sown; a spot called Ninety Acres, and the hills between Parramatta and Toongabbie. (p. 346)
August, 1795] Public labour was scarcely anywhere performed in this month, owing to the extreme badness of the weather which prevailed. The rain and wind were so violent for some days after the arrival of the Providence, that neither that ship nor the Endeavour had much communication with the shore. Accounts were received from the Hawkesbury, that several farms on the creeks were under water; and the person who brought the account was nearly drowned in his way over a plain named the Race-ground. Palings could no where stand the the force of the storm. Several chimnies and much plaster fell, and every house was wet. At Parramatta much damage was done; and at Toongabbie (a circumstance most acutely felt) a very large barn and threshing-floor were destroyed... During the storm, the column (beacon) at the South Head fell in (pp. 357-8)
December, 1796] the stock of large cattle belonging to government were in excellent condition, having been sent to Toongabbie, where they had met with better food and more care than elsewhere. (vol. 2, p. 8)
January, 1797] Severe bushfires - see separate chapter. (p. 12)
March, 1797] At Toongabbie, upward of 100 men were occupied in agriculture. (p. 20)
June, 1797] The ground that it was proposed to clear on the public account was not more than two miles and a half from Parramatta, and most advantageously situated in point of fresh water, having a chain of large and excellent ponds in its vicinity. The deputy surveyor having accompanied the governor, the spot was marked out for erecting the necessary buildings; and the whole was named Portland Place, in honour of his Grace the Duke of Portland. (p. 29)
December, 1797] At Parramatta and Toongabbie the wheat was nearly all got in and secured. At the latter of these places, a capital barn had been erected for its reception, 90 feet in length, with a complete floor, on which eight or nine pairs of thrashers could be employed without any inconvenience. ( p. 52)
On the expiry of their sentence, most convicts were granted land, usually in the Toongabbie area.
Following Phillip's departure, grants around the farm were issued and they eventually encroached upon it.
The farm operated over a period of thirteen years. Supervisors included John Jamieson, Richard Fitzgerald, Andrew Hume, Rowland Hassall and Charles Grimes. Hassall, a former member of the London Missionary Society, became a storekeeper at Toongabbie, and regularly preached to the small congregations there.
By 1800, there were on the Government farms 488 sheep, 931 cattle and 32 horses. On private land there were 1259 goats, 4766 hogs, 6259 sheep, 362 cattle and 211 horses. There were 467 acres of wheat and 300 acres of maize on Government land, compared with 4,857 acres of wheat and 3,564 acres of maize privately owned.
Lieut.-Governor Grose issued 420 acres of land grants at Toongabbie, Lieut.-Col. Paterson 160 acres and Governor John Hunter 4,734 acres at the same location.
On 1st March, 1802, Governor King reported:
The extent of the ground around Toongabbie designed by Governor Phillip for public cultivation has been mostly granted away to settlers, leaving the Government with a very circumscribed space not containing more than 300 acres of worn out land, which has been in constant cultivation. (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 9, p. 427)
By 1803 the Toongabbie farm had been turned into a grazing area for cattle in order to fertilize the land: "Toongabbee will remain for some time fallow, and be benefited by the Government herds manuring it." The remaining convicts were removed to the new penal holding centre at Castle Hill. Convicts continued to be assigned to nearby settlers farms and to improvements to local roads. (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 3 p. 193)
Governor Bligh reported on 9th January, 1807: "Toongabbee Stock Yard and Dairy. - The Whole of Government Buildings in a decayed state, quite untenantable, some fallen down" (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 6, p. 97)
By 31st October, 1807, Bligh reported "Barn and Dairy...repaired; The other Buildings in a bad state" (ibid. p. 170)
Acting-Governor King reported to the Duke of Portland on 28th September, 1800: The full extent of ground about the settlement of Toongabbie, which was designed by Governor Phillip for the public use, being mostly granted or leased to settlers, prevents more than three hundred acres of wheat being sown in that place this year, and the one hundred acres which is planted with maize will occasion the necessity of removing to other situations. This was begun last year by Governor Hunter at Portland Place. The convicts who must clear and labour that ground, require the constant eye of a superintendant to make their labour the least productive; but, as the present establishment of that class of officers will not admit of one for that situation, the best shall be done without; nor shall I trouble your Grace with application for others until such arrangements are made as will enable me to ascertain their utility and advantage. At present my observation confirms me in the opinion that the only inducement which this, as well as many other descriptions of people have in this colony of being employed by the Crown, is that it gives them opportunity and consequence to impose on the public and to join in sharing the immense profits that have been made of the shameful monopolies that have so long existed here, and which have been uniformly applied to the misery and ruin of the labouring settlers. (HRNSW vol. 4, p. 178)
This correspondence makes reference to the settlement at Portland Place. David Collins had earlier recorded for the month of June, 1797, details of the proposed settlement at Portland Place. (see above)
A list of public buildings proposed to be erected by Governor Hunter, dated 25th September, 1800, included:
9. A stock-yard has been lately inclosed with posts and rails at Portland Place for the use of Government cattle. It consists of about 30 acres, and takes in a fine chain of fresh water ponds; buildings were designed also to be erected there. There are about 100 acres of timber cut down at Portland Place, about 50 of which have been burnt off. It was intended to have continued clearing land there for Government, as there is a considerable track of good ground, and at a convenient distance from Parramatta.
Lieutenant-Governor King added the comment:
This stock-yard will be used, and cultivation on government's account will be carried on here, when more convicts arrive from England, as no greater quantity of ground than 350 acres can be cultivated in the district of Toongabbie, which was originally designed by Governor Phillip for the public use, but has been granted away to individuals since his departure. Those people that can be drawn from other works are getting the ground about Parramatta into cultivation for maize. (HRNSW vol. 4, p. 155)
On the same date, Governor Hunter reported:
Inclosed several stock-yards for the government cattle, and erected new or repaired the old sheds at Toongabbe, Parramatta, and Portland Place. In the latter district one hundred and twenty acres were fell, and fifty burnt off, a little township marked out, and two or three huts built. (HRA ser.1, vol. 2, p. 563)
It should be noted that a "stock-yard" was what would now be regarded as a fenced paddock.
The settlement of Portland Place was located in what is now Merrylands. It was abandoned in 1801 in favour of the new Government farm at Castle Hill.
Phillip's expedition of April, 1791, to the Hawkesbury passed through part of the Hills District.
David Burton, a botanist and surveyor, as Superintendent of Convicts at Parramatta, explored the region to the west of Parramatta in April, 1792. He probably travelled as far as Castle Hill.
Settlement in the Parish of Castle Hill began on the Hawkesbury Road ( now known as Old Windsor Road) in 1794. William Joyce was granted 30 acres on 13th December, 1794. The next grant was to Matthew Pearce, a free settler, on 22nd July, 1795. His 160 acres adjoined that of Joyce, on the northwest. It was known as King's Langley Farm.
Governor King reported to the Duke of Portland on 8th July, 1801, (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 9, p. 113) : br
As I am now about beginning another farm for the Crown I shall take care that grants of land are not made to exclude Government from the ground cleared by the convicts at public labour, which has been the case at Toongabbe and Parramatta, to the great accumulation of expense to the public.
Governor King , in a despatch dated 21st August, 1801, stated:
I also intimated my commencing at a place begun the previous year ; but the soil proving of the most unproductive kind, I fixed on a situation that Governor Phillip intended as a stock farm for Government, the soil being of the best and most productive kind. Fifty men have been clearing it, and I hope much public benefit will be derived in raising grain and feeding Government cattle, which, after the approaching increase, must be divided into several separate herds. (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 3, pp. 120-121)
Prior to King's arrival, there was no definite plan for reserving land for the purposes of the Crown. Nearly all the prime agricultural land on the banks of the Hawkesbury had been alienated in the form of grants prior to 1800. In addition the Government farm at Toongabbie had been restricted to 350 acres because of surrounding grants.
The first known use of the name Castle Hill occurred in a despatch dated 1st March, 1802: A great progress has been made in the clearing of land at Castle Hill, where I hope to sow two hundred acres on the public account this year."..." I stated the necessity I should soon be under of appointing another superintendant, to direct the labor (sic) of the prisoners employed at cultivation on the Public Account, and as the settlement at Castle Hill is detached from the other settlements, I have appointed a free settler, who came out in the Canada (margin note: Mr. Jno. Jamieson) (H.R.A.ser.1, vol. 3, p. 399-404)
King created a number of Crown Reserves during his term as Governor. One of the largest was an area of 34,539 acres at Castle Hill, in 1801.
The southern half of the Parish was in the District of Toongabbie and the majority of grants were made between 1794 and 1804.
In October,1802, there were 300 men employed at Castle Hill, clearing land for the purpose of cultivating wheat in order to make the colony self-supporting in that regard. On 9th May, 1803, Governor King reported to Lord Hobart:
The cleared ground on the new public agricultural settlement at Castle Hill is about 300 acres, which will be sown with wheat, and that, in addition to the other public grounds, will make 700 acres that will be sowed with that grain, from April to June, which is a much greater quantity than has ever been sowed before on the public account. When a sufficient proportion of ground has been cleared at Castle Hill, it would be advisable to work that settlement alone, and to turn Toongabbie into a stock-yards and grazing grounds, as it requires a small establishment at each place to look after the convicts at public labour, which, by being more concentrated, would become much more productive. (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 3, p. 113)
The 700 acres referred to above is clarified by King on 30th June, 1803:
"Preparing to sow 710 acres at Castle Hill, Toongabbe, and Hawkesbury, with wheat." (ibid. p. 163)
In the same report King stated that a two-storied, stone barrack for convicts at Castle Hill was commenced in early 1803. It measured 100 feet long and 24 feet wide. He also reported that he had constructed a brick granary at Hawkesbury with "dimensions - length 101 feet, breadth 25 feet, height to wall-plate 23 feet (with three floors)."
King reported to Lord Hobart on 1st March, 1804:
In reply to your Lordship's observations respecting the increase of land cultivated for Government, and recommending its not being increased more than to employ the convicts at my disposal; that the greater part of such land should be for pasturage, and the stock of Government cattle to be regarded as the foundation of the stock of individual settlers; - I beg leave most respectfully to state that before leaving England I was directed to promote the public cultivation, and encourage that of individuals. After distributing as many convicts as I judged could be advantageously employed by the settlers who I knew to be industrious and deserving, I hired the productive Hawkesbury farm in 1801, and began clearing the public agricultural settlement at Castle Hill in August, 1802, where there are now 700 acres of good ground clear, and durable stone buildings erected on it. (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 3 p. 329)
By August, 1806 the number of convicts had been reduced to 177.
Governor Bligh felt that Government farming was necessary as a check on the price of grain.
Bligh reported on 25th January, 1807, that at Castle Hill "One Barn in good repair; One Stone Grainary (sic) Floor wants repairing; One New Grainary in an unfinished state; Dwelling and Store Houses wanting repair" (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 6, p. 98)
Bligh reported on 31st October, 1807, that the stone granary at Castle Hill had been repaired and that the "new Granary or Barn" had been finished. (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 6, p. 170)
In 1807, 150 acres of wheat, 16 acres of barley and oats, and 212 acres of maize were sown. The cultivated area had declined to 100 acres by 1809.
The Government Farm was closed in 1810 by Macquarie on the grounds that it was inadequate in its object and too expensive to maintain.
In order to establish successful vineyards, two French prisoners of war were sent to the colony in 1801. They were Francois Duriault and Antione Landrien. During 1801 they planted 7,000 cuttings behind Old Government House at Parramatta. This was followed by an additional 5,000 cuttings the following year. On 7th August, 1803, Governor King reported: Thirty acres of Ground are now ready at Castle Hill to plant Vine Cuttings which with the Ground we now have planted, will serve to prove how far Wine can be made here. But I am sorry to say, that this cultivation is by no means so generally attended to as I could wish... (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 4, p. 310)
Francois Duriault was sent back to England in 1804 for "the most open seditious conduct", although strongly protesting his innocence. Antione Landrien was granted land at Parramatta and died in 1811. Nothing further became of viticulture at Castle Hill.
In 1811, Macquarie authorised the conversion of the Government Farm into an asylum for the reception of convict lunatics. The Sydney Gazette of 1st June, 1811, reported: His Excellency, commiserating the unhappy condition of persons labouring under the affliction of mental derangement, has been pleased to order an Asylum to be prepared for their reception at Castle Hill, whither they have been accordingly removed from their former place of confinement, which was in the town gaol at Parramatta, and every provision that humanity could suggest has been made for their accommodation and comfort.
The first Superintendent was the Rev. Samuel Marsden, who held office until c1814, when George Suttor was appointed to the office. Mr. William Bennett became Superintendent in 1819, holding the position until the Asylum closed in 1826. The patients were moved to Liverpool. By 1818 the size of the land had been reduced to 200 acres as the result of land grants.
The property was handed over to the Church and School Corporation in 1828.
In 1822, 22 acres were set aside as a township reserve surrounding the asylum at Castle Hill. In November, 1837, 40 acres were set aside for a glebe and were surveyed by H.L.Butler.
The reserve, excluding the 40 acres for the glebe, was leased to S. Moore, E. Fuller and Thomas Fuller in 1847.
Between 1850 and 1860, the buildings were demolished. Some of the stone was used in construction of St. Paul's Rectory at Castle Hill. The glebe was disposed of by the Church during this period.
At the expiry of the previous lease, the land was advertised for sale and auctioned at the Parramatta Court House. The land was purchased by James Purser (portion 160), Samuel Moore (portion 161), James Black (portion 162), Elizabeth Black (portion 163), James Greenwood (portion 164), James Burser (portion 165), Thomas Williams (portions 166 and 167). Most of the buyers were described as farmers or orchardists.
An archeological report of the site was undertaken in 1981. The report was edited by Judy Birmingham
Acting Governor King to the Duke of Portland, 21st August, 1801:
In my letter... I stated the necessity of finding a situation to employ the convicts at public labour in cultivation. As the grounds about Toongabbie and Parramatta (leaving only 380 acres) have very improperly been leased and granted to individuals, perverting Governor Phillip's plan of concentrating the labor (sic) of Government servants to one place, which would have greatly facilitated the public work and interest, instead of employing the convicts at public labor in detached situations, and not having people to direct their labor and secure the produce of it without incurring much additional expence, and even then the class that this confidence must necessarily be placed in has been too often been detected in the abuse of it. I also intimated my commencing at a place begun the preceding year; but the soil proving of the most unproductive kind, I fixed on a situation that Governor Phillip intended as a stock farm for Government *, the soil being of the best and most productive kind. Fifty men have been clearing it, and I hope much public benefit will be derived in raising grain and feeding Government cattle, which, after the approaching increase, must be divided into several separate herds. The convicts at public labor had cropped all the cleared ground left for the Crown three weeks before the season was over for sowing wheat. It therefore became an object of necessity and economy to employ their labor in sowing as long as possible for the Crown, but there being no more public ground clear, and many private farms now lying waste (altho' the property remains in the grantees or the purchasers), it occurred that by renting one of them, which is the most productive in the colony for this year, until more ground can be cleared for the public, a great saving would arise. I therefore hired it for 15s. per acre, containing 171 acres, and is entirely cropped with wheat. If the season turns out well its produce will be upward of twenty bushels an acre; the same ground has produced thirty. The rent is to be paid out of the produce. That farm is one among the many that are lying waste **, and would be highly productive, but belonging to individuals whose present involved state prevents them from cultivating those farms that have hitherto been worked, by the lure of spirits in exchange for Government bills arising from their industry. The influx of spirits now being greatly reduced, and I do not doubt will be entirely removed in another year, I trust that we will then find that labor can be carried on without spirituous liquors as well as with, altho' I am confidently told that from the time of my ordering the three ships away with 58,000 gallons of wine and spirits, that moment agriculture would lose its greatest support. (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 3, pp. 120-121) Note: * Castle Hill. ** at Cornwallis at the Hawkesbury (Sydney Gazette 2nd December, 1804)
Governor King to Lord Hobart, 30th October, 1802:
In my different despatches since the 10th March, 1801, wherein I communicated the great losses of the settlers and the colony by the repeated overflowings of the Hawkesbury, I am happy to say that no flood has happened this year, and that the harvest was well got in, altho' much less ground was sowed than would have been the case had not the settlers suffered so much by the former floods. The same favourable appearances continuing, they continue the cultivation of their farms, which have been so expensive and laborious to clear of timber. The hope of surviving floods (which ensures a plentiful return) encourages them to persevere, which is well for the colony, as private labour has been generally applied to that quarter, where the produce is so great, and so necessary has it been to persevere and make the best use of that place, that from the chance of a good crop being got I was induced to rent an unoccupied farm on account of Government, from which a produce of near 5,500 bushels of wheat will be obtained at the price of 800 bushels. It has been cropped again on the public account, and will be continued until I have sufficiency of ground cleared, and buildings erected about the new settlement at Castle Hill, to employ the convicts at Government labour, who are more than sufficient to cultivate the grounds at Toongabbee. (H.R.A. ser.1, vol. 3, p. 587)
David Collins, in his book An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales (Vol. 2, p.54-56), commented on problems with the Irish convicts in January, 1798. These comments are included as they provide an insight into the way the Irish convicts were perceived by the English officers of the time, and the strong independant notions of the Irish:
The Irish prisoners who had arrived in the last ships from that country had about this period become so turbulent and refractory, and so dissatisfied with their situation, that, without the most rigid and severe punishment, it was impossible to derive from them any labour whatever. In addition to their natural vicious propensities, they conceived an opinion that there was a colony of white people, which had been discovered in this country, situated to the SW of the settlement, from which it was distant between three and four hundred miles, and in which they were assured of finding all the comforts of life, without the necessity of labouring for them. (This would place the alleged settlement in the vicinity of Canberra.)
It was discovered, that, in consequence of this extraordinary rumour, a plan had been formed, by means of a correspondence carried on between these people, from one district to another, of escaping from the colony; which was to be put into execution so soon as they had completed a sufficient stock of provisions. The place of general rendezvous was fixed upon, and they were furnished with a paper of written instructions for their guidance to this fancied paradise, or to China; in addition to which, they had been supplied with a figure of a compass drawn upon paper.
Having received early information of the intentions of this party, the governor wrote to a magistrate at Parramatta, desiring that he would go to Toongabbie, where the principal part of the malcontents were employed, and point out to them the danger to which so ill-advised a step would expose them; but, as to attempt to reason with ignorance and obstinacy was only to waste time, he was to acquaint them, that the governor would allow any four of them whom they should select from their number, and whom they might think capable of travelling over steep and rocky mountains, through thick and extensive woods, and forging deep and rapid streams, to proceed as far as they should find themselves able with such provisions as they could carry. That further, for the preservation of the lives of those four men, he would order three other people, who were accustomed to the woods of this country, and well acquainted with the savages of the mountains, to accompany and lead them in the direction pointed out in their written instructions.
On conversing with these infatuated people, it appeared, that the history of the supposed settlement had its rise from some strange and unintelligible account from one of these men, who had left his work, and resided with some of the natives, had collected from the mountain savages.
A very few days demonstrated the effect of the governor's address to these ignorant people. He received information, that considerable numbers of them were assembling for the purpose of proceeding in quest of the new settlement. He, therefore, directed a party of armed constables, to waylay and secure as many as they were able; which was effected, and sixteen were taken and put into confinement. On speaking to them the following day, they appeared to be totally ignorant whither they were going; but, observing in them as much obstinacy as ignorance, the governor justly conceived that he could not use an argument more likely to convince them of their misconduct, than by ordering a severe corporal punishment to be inflicted at Sydney on those who appeared to be the principals in this business; which was accordingly put into execution; seven of them each received two hundred lashes; the remainder, after being punished at Parramatta, were sent to hard labour and strictly looked after. ...
Being, on further consideration of the necessity of checking this spirit of emigration, determined to convince them, by their own experience, of the dangers and difficulties which attended it, the governor caused four of the strongest and hardiest among to be chosen by themselves, and properly prepared for a journey of discovery. They were to be accompanied by three men, upon whom the governor knew he could depend, and who were to lead the way back, when fatigued and exhausted with their journey, over the very worst and most dangerous part of the country. This plan was no sooner settled, than the governor received information on which he could rely, that a party of these miscreants had concerted with the four deputies to meet them at a certain place, where they were to murder the persons intended to be their guides, possess themselves of their arms and provisions, and then pursue their own route. This diabolical scheme was counter-acted by the addition of four soldiers to the guides; and on the 14th they set off from Parramatta.
On the 24th the soldiers returned with three of the deputies, who, having gained the foot of the first mountains, were so completely sick of their journey, and of the prospects before them, that they requested to return with the soldiers, whose mission here terminated, being ordered to leave them at this place in the direction of their guides; one man only expressed a resolution to persevere, and penetrate further into the country, and was left with them for that purpose.
The former First Fleet convict, John Wilson (who had lived with the blacks), and John Price (who had come to Australia as Governor Hunter's servant) were amongst those who persisted. The 'foot of the first mountains' is believed to be between the Nepean the present site of Picton. The remainder of the party, aided by Wilson's bushcraft, reached the Wingecarribee River. Wilson was soon after his return sent back into the same region, where his party reached Mount Towrang, near Goulburn. Wilson reverted to life with the natives in 1799. He was speared when he attempted to take a young woman of the tribe against her will.
Collins reported further problems with the Irish convicts in April, 1798, (ibid. p. 77):
A report prevailed at this time among the labouring people, particularly the Irish, who were always foremost in every mischief and discontent, that an old woman had prophesied the arrival of several French frigates, or large ships of war, who were, after destroying the settlement, to liberate and take off the whole of the convicts. The rapidity with which this ridiculous tale was circulated is incredible. The effect was such as might be expected. One refractory fellow, while working in a numerous gang at Toongabbie, threw down his hoe, advancing before the rest, and gave three cheers for liberty. This for a while seemed well received; but, a magistrate fortunately being at hand, the business was put to an end, by securing the advocate for liberty, tying him up in the field, and giving him a severe flogging.
The significance of this commentary is its demonstration of the sympathetic attitude of the Irish in favour of the French and against the English, or, at the very least, the English perception of that attitude.
Collins commented for January, 1799, (ibid. p. 102-103):
A numerous body of the Irish convicts, many of whom had but lately arrived, insisted that 'their times were out', and could not be persuaded that they were mistaken by any remonstrance or argument. They grew noisy and insolent, and even made use of threats; upon which a few of the most forward and daring were secured, and instantly punished; after which they were ordered to go back to their work. They had also taken up the idea that Ireland had shaken off its connection with England, and they were no longer to be considered as convicts under the British government. This was a most pernicious idea to be entertained by such a lawless set of people, and requiring the strong arm of government to eradicate it.
The Castle Hill Rebellion of 1804 began on Sunday, 4th March, at approximately 8 p.m. There were up to 200 Irish prisoners at Castle Hill. Many had been transported because of the their involvement in the Irish Rebellion.
One of the huts was deliberately set alight and the alarm bell rung. Phillip Cunningham, overseer of stonemasons, with the assistance of other prisoners, broke into the stores where firearms and ammunition were kept.
About midnight, word of the rebellion reached Governor King, who set out for Parramatta unattended. Seeing the seriousness of the situation he declared Martial Law:
Whereas a number of labouring convicts of Castle Hill and other parts in this district have assembled and in a rebellious and daring manner have attacked and robbed several of His Majesty's peaceable and loyal subjects of their property and arms, and proceeded therewith to great acts of outrage, which the preservation of the lives and property of His Majesty's liege subjects demand an immediate stop being put to by the most effectual means:I do therefore proclaim the districts of Parramatta, Castle Hill, Toongabbee, Prospect, Seven and Baulkham Hills, Hawkesbury and Nepean to be in a state of rebellion, and do establish martial law throughout those districts.
I do therefore strictly charge and command all His Majesty's liege subjects to be assisting in apprehending and giving up to the nearest officer or magistrate every person they may stop who is unprovided with a pass, under pain of being tried by a Court Martial.
And every person who is seen in a state of rebellious opposition to the peace and tranquillity of this colony, and who does not give himself or themselves up within twenty-four hours, will be tried by a Court Martial and suffer the sentence passed upon him or them.
And if they or any of them give up the ringleaders to justice it may be an effectual means of procuring them that amnesty which it is so much my wish to grant.
Philip Gidley King.
(HRNSW vol.5, p. 345)
Surgeon Arndell had written from the Hawkesbury to "the Reverend Mr. Marsden, or in his absence, the Officer commanding at Parramatta", on 4th March, 1804:
Revr. Sir, From Strong and confirmed information I have every reason to believe that many of those deluded prisoners that call themselves United Irishmen and others had an Insurrection in project this night, and I beg you will be so kind as to forward some ammunition with the bearer sent on purpose for our Defence here. (HRA ser.1, vol. 4, p. 567)
Governor King, on 12th March, 1804, reported on the rebellion and the ensuing events. Part of his report included a copy of the Sydney Gazette of 11th March, 1804. King justified the use of this report by stating:
My time being constantly taken with the important object of putting an immediate stop to those proceedings, which was happily effected in the most prompt and decisive manner, and the Calcutta having been waiting for my despatches the whole of last week, precludes me from giving your Lordship a more circumstantial account of what has occurred than the statement in the enclosed Gazette, which was collected and arranged by those who were less occupied than myself, and is a tolerable accurate account of those transactions, to which I hope your Lordship will excuse my requesting a reference.
The Sydney Gazette of 11th March, 1804, carried the following report of the uprising:
At half past eleven o'clock on Sunday night, an express was received by HIS EXCELLENCY, from Captain ABBOTT, Commanding Officer at Parramatta, with intelligence that the Prisoners at Public Labour at Castle Hill, and the Settlers men, were in a state of Insurrection, and had already committed many daring Outrages: Sydney was instantaneously alarmed, the Military and Inhabitants were under Arms, and the Captain, Officers, Marines, and Ship's Company of His Majesty's Ship Calcutta came on shore, in Ten minutes after the alarm was given, and by the GOVERNOR'S Orders all Horses throughout the Town were held in requisition.At a quarter past Twelve Lieut. Hobby brought in an account of the outrages committed at Castle Hill, stating the Insurgents to be in great force and advancing towards Parramatta in different directions. His EXCELLENCY gave Orders for the necessary measures to be promptly adopted, and leaving his Honor the LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR in command at Sydney, got on Horseback and proceeded unattended towards Parramatta, but was overtaken near Major Johnston's by the Provost Marshal, four Troopers, and several confidential Persons mounted. One of the Troopers was despatched to the Major from His EXCELLENCY, requesting him to take Command of a Company of the New South Wales Corps, then on their march from Sydney; the GOVERNOR with his small retinue proceeding onwards to Parramatta, where he arrived without interruption at 4 in the morning, when he received information from Captain ABBOTT, that a great body of the Insurgents, all armed, were at Park Gate, at the West entrance of Parramatta. Major JOHNSTON with the Detachment arrived at Parramatta Barracks at 5 o'clock; & after himself, Officers, and Soldiers, had taken a hasty refreshment, they proceeded to Government House for Orders. From the imperious necessity of putting an immediate & effectual stop to the progress of the Insurgents, the Governor issued a Proclamation declaring Martial Law, as stated on the front page. As the information was received that the Insurgents were in several bodies, Major Johnston with Quarter-Master Laycock, & 25 Non-Commissioned Officers and Privates of the New South Wales Corps, accompanied by a Trooper and several of the Constables and Inhabitants, at half-past 6 proceeded by way of Toongabbee; Lieutenant Davis with an equal number of Soldiers proceeded along the Castle Hill Road, that place being appointed for the Rendezvous, in case nothing should occur to make those Officers alter the direction they went under. Major Johnston on arriving at Toongabbee, received information that a considerable body were on their way to the Hawkesbury: not withstanding the fatigue of his small Detachment in marching up from Sydney, and the distance they had gone since, they immediately ran in good Order, with their followers, and after a pursuit of Seven Miles farther, Major Johnston and a Trooper, who had preceeded the Detachment came up with the rear of the Insurgents at 11 o'clock, whose numbers have since been ascertained to be 233 men, armed with Musquets, Pistols, Swords, &c. and a number of followers which they had taken from the Settlers. After calling to them repeatedly they halted, and formed on the side of a Hill: The Major and Trooper advanced within pistol shot, and endeavoured to persuade them to Submit to the Mercy that was offered them by the Proclamation, which they refused. The Major required to see their Chiefs, who after some deliberation met them half way, between the Detachment and the Insurgents, when by a great presence of mind and address the Major presented his pistol at the head of the Principal leader (Philip Cunningham), and the Trooper following his motions, presented his Pistol also to the other leader's head, (Wm. Johnston) and drove them into the Detachment without the least opposition from the body of the Insurgents. Major Johnston immediately ordered Quarter-Master Laycock to advance with the Detachment, &c. and cut the body to pieces, which immediately filed off and fled in all directions, pursued by the Detachment and followers. Several shots were fired by the Insurgents without effect. As the pursuit was along the Road & on each side in the Woods, the number of dead are not yet ascertained; nine Bodies were found about the Road, and Several were known to be killed in the pursuit through the Woods. A number were overtaken and made Prisoners, among whom was the Leader (Philip Cunningham), who was to all appearances left dead on the Road. The pursuit continued on to the Hawkesbury, where the Detachment arrived at 4 in the afternoon with Several Prisoners, after a forced march, or rather runnIng 35 Miles; Lieutenant Davis being joined by Lieutenant Brabyn with a reinforcement of thirty Soldiers joined the Major at 9 o'clock that night. Philip Cunningham the Principal Leader, who was carried among the wounded to Hawkesbury, being still alive and being considered by Major Johnston as a proper object to make an immediate example of, by virtue of the Martial Law that then existed, and the discretionary power given him by His Excellency, and after taking the opinion of the Officers around him, directed him to be publicly executed on the Stair Case of the Public Store, which he had boasted in his march that he was going to plunder.
As the principal Body was dispersed, the Detachment returned to Parramatta on Wednesday morning with a great number of Prisoners taken in Arms; and on Tuesday morning received His Excellency's personal Approbation and Thanks for their animated and Soldier-like Conduct & great perseverance in the fatigues they had undergone.
Seventy of the Insurgents, armed with musquets of which they had stripped the Settlers, commanded by Humes, having missed joining the main body, were concealed about the Castle Hill Road, which occupied the attention of the Detachment and Association at Parramatta. After the defeat, the Insurgents took advantage of the Proclamation, which extended Grace to those who gave themselves up within 24 hours, & great numbers were constantly coming in and delivering themselves up from noon on Monday, and others were brought in Prisoners with their Arms, by Lieutenants Davis and Brabyn's Parties.
It appears that this conspiracy had been in agitation upwards of a Month, but unlike all other attempts of the kind was kept a profound secret until two days previous to its breaking out; Captain Abbott and the Rev. Mr. Marsden then received information, which they transmitted to Head Quarters; but as so many things of the kind had been in agitation before, and never could be brought to a point, no other notice of it was taken other than using common precautions.
Every arrangement that was made by these infatuated people sufficiently evinced, that some persons yet unknown but not unsuspected at Sydney and Parramatta, had the principal direction of these plans, and were only waiting the success of Cunningham's exertions.
The alarm began at Castle Hill about 8 o'clock on Sunday night, where there are upwards of 200 Irish Prisoners, (sent here for Seditious Practices in Ireland), by setting a House on fire and ringing the Bell, when Cunningham appeared as the avowed leader, vociferating the cries of "Death or Liberty!" and assuring those who were joining him. (and others who say they were compelled), that Sydney and Parramatta were in their possession, that they had nothing to do but obey his orders and plunder the Settlers of their Arms (for which purpose parties were sent off in different directions) and after being united, to march to Hawkesbury, were they were assured of their force being augmented to 1100 men, with which they were to return to Castle Hill on Tuesday morning to breakfast, march to Parramatta, for the possession of which two well known disaffected persons were to be answerable; and after planting the Tree of Liberty at Government House, they were to proceed to Sydney, the possession of which was supposedly secured by three disaffected characters, and then embark on board the Ships, which would also be ready to receive them. Such a tale, joined to the principles he was haranguing, removed all doubt, & such was the activities of the different Parties, that every Settler in the wide extended range from the Field of Mars round by Parramatta, Baulkham and Seven Hills, Prospect Hill, and Toongabbee, were completely stripped of their Arms and Ammunition by Six in the Morning, which in their contest with Major Johnston amounted to 136 Musquets, fourteen Pistols, and a great number of swords, bayonets on poles, and pitch-forks: and there is little doubt that if any of the prompt measures that were adopted on the exigence of the moment had been omitted, the Banditti would have increased their numbers and strength considerably at the Hawkesbury, where they were going, Seconded the Plans of their concealed directors, and given confidence to those who were then wavering or waiting for the Insurgents' Success, and what added greatly to the check given, by the main body being routed, was the circumstance of the 50 armed men under Humes and 70 under Johnston having lost themselves.
Several parties of Settlers and others now pursued the Insurgents in all directions; and from Monday noon to Friday evening upward of 300 were taken or gave themselves up, most of whom were dismissed and sent to their respective labour, with a caution and reprimand. Ten of those who were selected from upwards of 200, as being most forward, including the two leaders Johnstone (sic) and Hume were tried at Parramatta by a General Court Martial, when they were all sentenced to be hanged---Johnstone and Humes to be hung in Chains: A part of the Sentence was carried into execution at 6 o'clock on Thursday evening, upon Humes, Charles Hill, and John Place, who acknowledged the justice of their sentence. Hume gave much important information, respecting the Secret Contrivers; and on Friday morning Johnston, Harrington, and Neale were executed at Castle Hill, Johnstone giving similar information to Humes's; and on Saturday Brannon and Hogan suffered at Sydney, Burke and McCormick being Reprieved. Five others received Corporal Punishment; and about thirty were ordered to the different Gaol-gangs until they can otherwise be disposed of.
Thus ended a sudden Insurrection, that was as unexpected as it is decidedly put an end to by the great assistance given to the measures which the exigency of the moment required.
On Friday afternoon Major JOHNSTON'S Detachment marched into Sydney, where they were received by the Regiment, and dismissed by the gratulations of the Comrades and Spectators; and
On Saturday morning HIS EXCELLENCY arrived at Sydney, after repealing Martial Law in the Interior. On his arrival at the Regimental Parade he was received by Lieut Col. PATERSON at the head of the New South Corps under arms, and received the Military Honours due his Situation.
The second group, led by Major Johnston, caught sight of the rebels on the Parramatta side of Last Half Way Pond, which is now known as Second Ponds Creek. Although the exact site of the battle is debated, it is generally thought to have taken place on the hill on which Castlebrook Lawn Cemetery is now located.
The events which followed are more fully described by Major Johnston in his report to Lieutenant-Colonel Paterson:
Headquarters, Sydney, 9th March, 1804.
Sir,
I beg leave to acquaint you that about half past 1 o'clock on Monday morning last, I took the command of the detachment marched from the headquarters by Lieut't Davies, consisting of 2 officers, 2 serjeants (sic), and 52 rank and file of the New South Wales Corps, and by His Excellency Governor King's Orders, I proceeded immediately to Parramatta, where we arrived at the dawn of day. I halted at the barracks about 20 minutes to refresh my party, and then marched to Government House, and agreeable to His Excellency's orders divided my detachment, giving Lieut't Davies the command of half, and taking Quartermaster Laycock and the other half, with one trooper, with myself, having the Governor's instructions to march in pursuit of the rebels along the Toongabbee Road. I proceeded that way, and directed Lieut't Davies to take the road towards Castle Hill. On my arrival at Toongabbee, I was informed the rebels, in number about 400, were on the summit of the hill. I immediately detached a corporal with four privates and about six inhabitants, armed with musquets, to take them in flank, while I proceeded with the rest up the hill, when I found the rebels had marched on for the Hawkesbury, and after a pursuit of about ten miles I got sight of them. I immediately rode forward, attended by the trooper and Mr. Dixon, the Roman Catholic priest, calling to them to halt, that I wished to speak to them. They desired that I would come into the middle of them, as their captains were there, which I refused, observing to them that I was within pistol-shot and that it was in their power to kill me, and that their captains must have very little spirit if they would not come forward to speak to me, upon which two persons, (C___ and J___) advanced towards me as their leaders to whom I represented the impropriety of their conduct, and advised them to surrender, and that I would mention them in as favourable terms as possible to the Governor. C_____ replied that they would have death or liberty. Quartermaster Laycock with the detachment just then appeared in sight, I claped (sic) my pistol to J___'s head, while the trooper did the same to C___'s, and drove them with their swords in their hands to the Quartermaster and the detachment, whom I ordered to advance and charge the main body of the rebels then formed in a line. The detachment then immediately commenced a well-directed fire, which was but weakly returned, for the rebel line being soon broken they run in all directions. We pursued them a considerable way, and have no doubt but that many of them fell. We have found 12 killed, 6 wounded, and have taken 26 prisoners.Any encomiums I could pass on Quartermaster Laycock and the detachment I had the honour of command would fall far short of what their merit entitles them to, and I trust their steady perseverance (after a fatiguing march of upwards of 45 miles) to restore order and tranquillity, will make their services acceptable.
Mr. Provost-Martial Smith, the inhabitants, and the constables who voluntarily accompanied the detachment, are equally entitled to my thanks, nor can I be neglectful of the very soldier-like conduct of the trooper who accompanied me.
I have, &c.,
Geo. Johnston, B.-Major,
N.S. Wales Corps.
Return of arms taken from the rebels: - 26 musquets, 1 fowling piece, 4 bayonets on poles, 1 pitch-fork, 1 pistol, 8 reaping hooks, 2 swords. (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 5, pp. 348-349)
Note: C_____ refers to Phillip Cunningham
J_____ refers to William Johnston
The leaders of the insurgents, Philip Cunningham and William Johnston, had come forward to talk under a flag of truce. Major Johnston put a pistol to Cunningham's head and the trooper did the same with Johnston. They were then hustled back to the detachment leaving the rebels demoralised and leaderless. The soldiers opened fire and the rebels scattered in all directions. The battle lasted ten minutes.
The Government forces arrived at the Hawkesbury at 4 p.m. with a number of prisoners, including the critically wounded Cunningham, who had received a blow from the sword of Laycock on the right side of his head. Public execution followed when Cunningham was hanged from the staircase of the newly completed, three-storey granary at Green Hills. It has been suggested that Cunningham was already dead prior to his "execution" as all the other leaders faced a court martial four days later. The other possible explanation is that he was not expected to survive the trip to Parramatta, and he was executed before he could die of his wounds.
Major Johnston reported to Governor King on the execution of Cunningham:
Green Hills, Hawkesbury, 6th March, 1804.
Sir,
I beg leave to inform your Excellency that soon after daylight this morning I detached two troopers accompanied by six of the inhabitants, well-mounted and armed, to proceed towards the Nepean, with orders that if they had any intelligence of any number of the runaways having been seen in that direction, to detach one of their party back to me, in order that I might proceed in pursuit of them. I have as yet received no information from the men I sent out, and if I find everything quiet up here, I intend returning with the detachment to Parramatta to-morrow morning, leaving eleven of the party (who are unable to march) with the detachment here.
C_______, who is one of the rebel chiefs, who was supposed to be dead on the field, was brought in here alive, and I immediately - with the opinion of the officers - ordered him to be hung up.I have, &c.,
Geo. Johnston.
(H.R.N.S.W. vol. 5, p. 345)
Charles Hill, Samuel Humes and John Place were immediately hanged on the rising of the court martial at Parramatta on 8th March. William Johnston, John Neale and George Harrington were hanged at Castle Hill the following day ; and Timothy Hogan and John Brannon at Sydney on 10th March. William Johnston and Samuel Humes were "hung in chains".
Corporal punishment was ordered to the extent of 500 lashes for four prisoners, 284 lashes for one person and 200 lashes for another four.
Governor King commented to Lord Hobart:
Sydney, 12th March, 1804.
...I deeply lament the necessity imposed on me by the existing circumstances of directing the execution of those who were selected from upwards of 200 taken with arms in their hands and had a most active part in those transactions...
The whole number of those who were armed, by plundering the settlers, &c, amounted to 333, of which two parties of 50 men each lost their way and did not join the main body. Had time allowed them , and the coercive measures delayed for one day, it is certain their forces would have been increased to upwards of 300 more from among the Irish labourers of the Hawkesbury, which would have caused much trouble, but I had no doubt of it terminating as it did...' (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 5, pp. 355-6)
Philip Cunningham had earlier been involved in the mutiny on the "Anne" in 1801. The cry on that occasion had been "Death or Liberty". The same cry was used during the Rebellion of 1804.
The Sydney Gazette of 18th March,1804, reported on the background of the "Principal Offenders":
Philip Cunningham the Principal Rebel leader, who was executed at Hawkesbury, was one of the Prisoners by the Ann, and was remarkably active in the mutinous transactions on board that vessel which rendered a recourse to rigorous exertions necessary to the safety of the Officers and crew. Some time after his arrival he was sent up to the Settlement at Castle Hill, whence he was appointed overseer of the Government Stone-masons and such was the ...indulgence shown him, that in the Course of little more than a twelvemonth he had nearly erected on his own account, a stone building of considerable value.
Samuel Humes officiated as overseer of the Carpenters, and had a convenient house, and received also many indulgences that might have awakened a sentiment of gratitude in his breast which would have prevented his disgrace and untimely exit.
John Place was the only survivor of the three who embarked on the fatal enterprise of crossing the Mountains, under the ludicrous supposition of an unknown Settlement there existing, and was pardoned on account of the pitiable and deplorable plight in which he was found. He was afterwards corporally punished for a second time absconding in order to subsist in the woods, and his restless and relentless disposition at length drew down upon him the provoked vengeance of the Law.
Charles Hill, although several years a free man had lost all sight of character, and was in consequence frequently implicated in theft and misdemeanor. He rented a farm, and might have procured an honest and comfortable livelihood, but the hope of plunder could alone induce him to join the infatuated people, and his atrocious designs obtained their due reward. The same edition of the Sydney Gazette reported:
Francois Girault, a Frenchman, in obedience to HIS EXCELLENCY'S positive command, quitted the Colony, in His Majesty's ship Calcutta, having been charged on evidence strongly presumptive with secretly abetting and encouraging the late Revolt. This man resided at Parramatta, and had for several months past devoted much of his time to trafficking as a pedlar to and from Castle Hill during which intercourse he too probably obtained an undue influence among the people at the Settlement, and availing himself of an unhappy credulity, desseminated gradually the seeds of dissention and discontent, but ingeniously in the end found means to avoid open detection and to escape condign punishment.
(Note: HRA ser.1, vol. 4, p. 695. refers to the Frenchman as Francois de Riveau or Duriault. - See section on Castle Hill.)
It must be remembered that the Sydney Gazette of 4th December, 1803, had carried notice of the Declaration of War between Great Britain and France. Governor King, in the edition of 11th December, had stated he was "Counting on the Zeal and Loyalty of all His Majesty's subjects in the Territory" and called on "every Briton and Irishman to defend their Families and Property against any Invader's mistaken Attention to this Colony".
Governor Phillip had explored the Hawkesbury River, setting out on 28th June, 1789, and travelling as far as Richmond Hill by 5th July.
Captain Hunter, who along with Captain Collins, George Johnston and Surgeon White, had accompanied the Governor, recorded in An Historical Journal 1787 -1792:
In the morning of the 6th we examined the river...By the time we had reached half a mile higher than the foot of Richmond-hill, we met the stream setting down so strong, that it was with much difficulty we could get the boats so high. We here found the river to divide into two narrow branches, from one of which the stream came down with considerable velocity, and with a fall over a range of stones which seemed to lye across its entrance: this was the fall which we had heard the night before from our situation on the side of Richmond-hill. The party had reached the confluence of the Nepean and Grose Rivers.
William Paterson was gazetted Captain in the New South Wales Corps in June, 1789. He arrived in Sydney in October, 1791, and was immediately given command of the detachment on Norfolk Island, where he served until March, 1793.
David Collins, in An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, commented for the month of September, 1793:
Captain Paterson, of the New South Wales corps, an account of whose journeys in Africa appeared in print some years ago, conceived that he might be able to penetrate as far as, or even beyond, the western mountains (commonly known in the colony by the name the Blue Mountains, from the appearance which land so high and distant generally wears), set off from the settlement with a small party of gentlemen (Captain Johnston, Mr. Palmer, and Mr. Laing the assistant surgeon) well provided with arms, and having provisions and necessaries sufficient for a journey of six weeks, to make the attempt. Boats were sent round to Broken Bay, whence they got into the Hawkesbury, and the fourth day reached as far as Richmond Hill. At this place, in the year 1789, the Governor's progress up the river was obstructed by a fall of water, which his boats were too heavy to drag over. This difficulty Captain Paterson overcame by quitting his large boats, and proceeding from Richmond Hill with two that were smaller and lighter. He found that this part of the river carried him to the westward, and into the chasm that divided the high land seen from Richmond Hill. Hither, however, he got with great difficulty and some danger, meeting in the space of about ten miles not less than five waterfalls, one of which was rather steep, and was running at the rate of ten or twelve miles an hour. Above this part the water was about fifteen yards from side to side, and came down with some rapidity, a fall of rain having swollen the stream. Their navigation was here so intricate, lying between large pieces of rock that had been borne down by torrents, and some stumps of trees which they could not always see, that (after having loosened a plank in one boat, and driven the other upon a stump which forced its way through her bottom) they gave up any further progress, leaving the western mountains to be the object of study at some future day. It was supposed that they had proceeded ten miles further up the river than had ever before been done, and named that part of it which until then had been unseen , 'the Grose;' and a high peak of land, which they had in view of the chasm, they called 'Harrington Peak'.
Captain Paterson, as a botanist, was amply rewarded for his labour and disappointment by discovering several new plants. Of the soil in which they grew, he did not, however, speak very favourably.
He saw but few natives, and those who did visit them were almost unintelligible to the natives of this place who accompanied him. He entertained a notion that their legs and arms were longer than those of the inhabitants of the coast. As they live by climbing trees, if there really was any such difference, it might perhaps have been occasioned by the custom of hanging by their arms and resting on their feet at the utmost stretch of their body, which they practice from their infancy. The party returned on the 22nd, having been absent about ten days.
Captain Paterson's motivation for undertaking this journey appears to have been to further the exploration of the continent. There was certainly no pressing need to establish a route over the Blue Mountains at that time, given that the Hawkesbury had not at that stage been settled for reasons outlined by Governor Phillip. Yet within months of this expedition the first settlement of the Hawkesbury occurred. It is not unreasonable to assume that Paterson had awakened interest in the potential of the Hawkesbury to supply food and timber for the colony.
Further information on the early history of the Grose River Valley can be found in the Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, vol. 26. page 234-261.
When commissioned as Governor, Arthur Phillip was:
given and granted upon you full power and authority to emancipate and discharge from their servitude any of the convicts under your superintendance who shall, from their good conduct and a disposition to industry, be deserving of favour: It is our will and pleasure that in every such case you do issue your warrant to the Surveyor of Lands to make surveys of and mark out in lots such lands upon the said territory as may be necessary for their use; and when that be done you do pass grants thereof with all convenient speed to any of the said convicts so emancipated, in such proportions and under such conditions and acknowledgements as shall hereafter be specified, viz.: - To every male shall be granted 30 acres of land, and in case he shall be married, 20 acres more; and for every child who may be with them at the settlement at the time of making the said grant, a further quantity of 10 acres, free of all taxes, quit rents, or other acknowledgements whatsoever, for the space of ten years: Provided that the person to whom the land shall have been granted shall reside within the same and proceed to the cultivation and improvement thereof; reserving only for us such timber as may be growing, or to grow hereafter, upon the said land as may be fit for naval purposes... (HRA Ser. 1, Vol. 1, pp. 14-15)
Virtually identical instructions, and powers, were given to his successors as Governor.
There is no definite record of when the Hawkesbury was first settled. In a despatch dated 24th April, 1794, Grose noted that in January:
I have settled on the banks of the Hawkesbury twenty-two settlers, who seem very much pleased with their farms. They describe the soil as particularly rich, and they inform me whatever they have planted has grown in the greatest luxuriance. The despatch was accompanied by a map by Augustus Alt titled "First Farms on the Hawkesbury River." (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 3 p. 210).
David Collins, in his book An Account of the English Colony of New South Wales, originally published in 1798, stated for the month of January, 1794:
Another division of settlers was this month added to the list of those already established. Williams and Ruse, having got rid of the money which they respectively received for their farms, were permitted, with some others, to open ground on the banks of the Hawkesbury, at a distance of about twenty-four miles from Parramatta. They chose for themselves allotments of ground conveniently situated for fresh water, and not much burdened with timber, beginning with much spirit, and forming to themselves very sanguine hopes of success. At the end of the month they had been so active as to have cleared several acres, and were in some forwardness with a few huts. The natives did not give them any interruptions.
The Historical Records of New South Wales (vol. 3 page 81) notes that there were 46 settlers at Richmond Hill and the north side of the river, settled between 1793 and 1795; 42 settlers on the south side of the river (1794-95) and 30 on South Creek (1794-95). This would indicate that the earliest settlement (as opposed to farms) on the Hawkesbury appears to have been at Richmond Hill. [Richmond Hill is that area to the south of North Richmond now occupied by St. John of God Hospital, on the opposite side of the river to the township of Richmond.]
The first 22 known settlers had all served their seven years sentences. They were Giles Mower, Daniel Barnett, William Pawson, Joseph Butler, John Howell, James Ruse, Charles Williams, James Wimbow, William Snaleham, John Acres, William Douglas, Joseph Wright, John Fenlow, Peter Bond, John Owen, Edward Cunningham, Richard Davis, James Roberts, Thomas Saunders, Thomas Webb, Joseph Welsted and Thomas Caldwell. When their farms had been properly established, Grose issued grants of 30 acres each on 3rd November, 1794, in the "District of Mulgrave Place".
Brian Fletcher (J.R.A.H.S.-Vol. 51 p. 347) has commented that neither Grose and Paterson displayed the bent for careful systematic planning that Phillip had manifested when settling the Sydney and Parramatta regions in that the Hawkesbury was not opened up in accordance with any well-conceived plan. Both Grose and Paterson allowed settlers freedom of choice and made no attempt to ensure that they received at least some land out of the reach of floods. No less serious was their failure to follow Phillip's practice of giving land to settlers of reasonable quality. Both appear to have issued grants indiscriminately to whoever requested them regardless of whether or not they were likely to make a success of farming. As a consequence, Fletcher concluded, the region contained from the outset more than its share of improvident persons noted for their laziness and dissolute habits.
In April, 1795, David Collins reported:
The farmers now every where began putting their wheat into the ground, except at the river (Hawkesbury), where they had scarcely made any preparations, consuming their time and substance in drinking and rioting ; and trusting to the extreme fertility of the soil, which they declare would produce an ample crop at any time without much labour. So silly and thoughtless were these people, who were thus unworthily placed on the banks of a river which, from its fertility and the effect of its inundations, might not improperly be termed the Nile of New South Wales.(An Account of the English Colony of New South Wales David Collins - vol. 1, p. 347)
By 15th June, 1795, Paterson was able to report to Dundas:
The number of settlers on the banks of the Hawkesbury, with their families, amounts to upwards of four hundred persons, and their grounds extend nearly thirty miles along the banks on both sides of the river (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 1, p. 499)
Grose, in writing to Dundas on 5th July, 1794, (H.R.A. series 1, vol. 1, p. 479), indicated that there was a reluctance on the part of the Hawkesbury settlers to be located on the flood plain :
The settlers placed on the banks of the Hawkesbury are doing well, their farms having at this time all the appearance of most luxuriant crops. The overflowing of the river, so very much apprehended, and on which account the settlers did not wish to be placed there, appears to be without foundation. This is universally acknowledged to be the most rainy season that has ever been experienced in the colony, and the river has but little exceeded in any part of its natural limits.
Captain Paterson, in reporting to Dundas on the arrival of Governor Hunter on 16th September, 1795, also reported :
We have lately had some very heavy rain and tempestuous weather. The Hawkesbury, during the continuance of it, rose to the height of five-and-twenty feet above its usual level, laying the grounds of several settlers under water. The rise of the river was so rapid that one person, a settler, was unfortunately drowned, and I fear that it would be the upmost impudence to place any dependence on that settlement as a resource. The soil certainly is uncommonly fertile, and no doubt considerably aided by those occasional overflowings of the river, but the settlers are at present alarmed, and many have offered their grants again to the Crown. It would be a work of more labour and experience than we can at present command to throw up banks capable of resisting the force of the torrent, but without some such expedient the settlers there will never be perfectly secure.
I am apprehensive that the late bad weather has done much damage to our Indian corn, much of which has been unavoidably exposed to the weather.
The party of the New South Wales Corp which I ordered to the river will remain there under the command of one officer, but the natives have not lately given any disturbances in that quarter. (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 1, p. 529)
Under the administration of Grose (one year) and Paterson ( nine months), the settlement expanded rapidly. Grose issued land grants of 2,040 acres, and Paterson grants of 2,475 acres. A road was built to the Hawkesbury by August, 1794, and could be comfortably walked in eight hours (HRA ser. 1, vol. 1, p. 483 - see section on Transport for further details). A detachment of the New South Wales Corp was sent to protect the settlers from attacks by natives and to maintain law and order.
Paterson reported on 21st March, 1795:
The colonial vessel had been for some time previous to her sailing to Port Stephens employed in supplying the settlers on the banks of the Hawkesbury with provisions. I have caused a small store to be erected there, and have placed Baker, the superintendent, who arrived here in the Surprize, in the care of it, with a small guard for its protection. (H.R.A. ser.1, vol. 1, p. 490)
David Collins stated, for the month of February, 1795:
Early in February, the storehouse at the Hawkesbury being completed, the provisions sent around in the schooner were landed and put under the care of Baker. Some officers who had made an excursion to that settlement, with a view of selecting eligible spots for farms, on their return spoke highly of the corn which they saw growing there, and of the picturesque appearance of the settlers' farms. (An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Vol. 1, p. 340)
A store-wharf had been constructed at the Hawkesbury to enable the colonial schooner to supply the district. Collins recorded for May, 1795:
On the 21st the colonial schooner returned from the Hawkesbury, bringing upwards of eleven hundred bushels of remarkably fine Indian corn from the store there. The master again reported his apprehensions that the navigation of the river would be obstructed by the settlers, who continued the practice of falling and rolling trees into the streams. He found five feet less water at the store-wharf than when he was there in February last, owing to the dry weather which had for some time past prevailed. (ibid. p. 348)
| Governor | From | Until |
| Arthur Phillip | 26-01-1788 | 10-12-1792 | Francis Grose (Acting) | 11-12-1792 | 12-12-1794 | William Paterson (Acting) | 12-12-1794 | 11-09-1795 | John Hunter | 11-09-1795 | 27-09-1800 | Philip Gidley King | 28-09-1800 | 12-08-1806 | William Bligh | 13-08-1806 | 26-01-1808 | George Johnston (Acting) | 26-01-1808 | 28-07-1808 | Joseph Foveaux (Acting) | 29-07-1808 | 08-01-1809 | William Paterson (Acting) | 09-01-1809 | 31-12-1809 | Lachlan Macquarie | 01-01-1810 | 01-12-1821 | Thomas Brisbane | 01-12-1821 | 01-12-1825 |
John Hunter had been appointed second captain of H.M.S. Sirius, under Governor Phillip, when arrangements were made for the departure of the First Fleet in 1786. Hunter had also been granted dormant commission as Phillip's successor in event of his death. Hunter had accompanied Phillip on his exploration of the Hawkesbury in 1789. Hunter had been in command of the Sirius when it was lost off Norfolk Island in 1791. This had been the third shipwreck in which he had been involved. Hunter returned to England, arriving in April, 1792, when war had broken out. In addition to service on the flagship, Hunter also publish an account of his experiences in New South Wales.
Hunter was appointed as Phillip's successor, taking up office on 11th September, 1795.
In the Government and General Order of 8th December, 1795, Hunter proclaimed :
The quantity of useful timber which has for some time past been indiscriminately cut down upon the banks of the Hawkesbury and the creeks running into it, and which has been wasted or applied to purposes for which timber of less value might have been answered, it is hereby strictly ordered that no timber whatever be cut down on ground which is not marked out or allotted to individuals on either of the banks or creeks of the afore-mentioned river. And in order to preserve as much as possible such timber as may be of use either for building or for naval purposes, the King's mark will be forthwith put on all such timber, after which any person or persons offending against this Order will be prosecuted. This Order extends only to grounds not granted to individuals, there being a clause in all grants from the Crown expressly reserving for the use thereof such timber as may be growing, or to grow hereafter, upon the said land which may be deemed fit for naval purposes. (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 2, p. 341)
Hunter reported on the need for a magistrate at the Hawkesbury to the Duke of Portland, on 30th April, 1796:
In the district of the Hawkesbury, from which I have just arrived, and where everything wears a very promising aspect, as far as relates to the different farms, yet there the want of a Justice of the Peace to take immediate cognizance of all complaints, to direct punishment to be inflicted on the offenders, and by his residence on the spot to keep order, is so very much wanted that I was under the necessity of taking the Judge-Advocate from his duty here to regulate complaints and disagreements relating to property, as well as to enquire into several robberies there. The number of officers in the civil department are now felt to be so very few that we have not a proper person to place there, and to undertake the duty of a magistrate; and the bringing the offenders from thence to be examined either here (Sydney) or at Parramatta takes a number of people from their duty for several days, besides an escort of constables to attend to them on the road. (HRNSW Vol. 3, p. 45-46)
Hunter commented on the state of the Hawkesbury River on 30th October, 1798, :
The navigation of the creek being nearly shut up by the trees which have been thrown into it, it is expected that every person having a farm upon its banks do exert their utmost endeavour to clear opposite their own grounds, otherwise it may be found necessary to employ people at their expence (sic). (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 3, p. 499)
On the same day, Hunter issued a Government and General Order, stating:
It is the Governor's intention, for the convenience of the settlers, &c., at Hawkesbury, to direct that the quarterly session be held there regularly for the settling all their civil concerns ; the time of its sitting will be advertised. (HRNSW vol. 3, p. 499)
Hunter informed the Duke of Portland of the effects of flooding at the Hawkesbury on 1st May, 1799, stating:
I must inform your Grace that immediately after the breaking up of the tedious drought which I have mention'd another misfortune succeeded, which altho' not as ruinous to the colony at large, has prov'd a most distressing circumstance to the settlers upon the banks of the Hawkesbury River, where we have in some seasons rais'd from fifteen to twenty thousand bushels of wheat ...The Government store, which had been built upon the first settling of this part of the country, was not out of reach of this inundation, and was, with all the provisions it contain'd, swept off. The river swell'd to more than fifty feet perpendicular height above its common level, and the torrent was so powerful that it carried all before it... (HRA Ser. 1, Vol. 2, p. 354)
Governor Hunter wrote to Under Secretary King on 25th September, 1800, informing him that he had:
Erected two log granaries of one hundred feet in length each (one for wheat and one for maize) on the Green Hills at the Hawkesbury, and inclosed them round with paling. Thoroughly repaired, coated with lime (manufactured from burnt shells), and whitewashed the two government houses, military barracks, storehouses, officers' dwellings, with all the public brick buildings, for the purpose of preservation, they being found in a state of rapid decay, and crumbling to ruins, being exposed to the weather.
...Built a framed and weatherboard house* on the Green Hills at the Hawkesbury for the residence of the commanding officer of that district. The house was shingled, and furnished with a cellar, skilling kitchen, and other accommodation, inclosing round with paling.
Built a barrack for the military guard stationed at that place. (HRA Ser. 1, Vol. 2, pp. 560-561)
(* This building was occupied by Macquarie when he visited Windsor, thus becoming known as Old Government House, and was finally demolished in 1919 because of its poor condition.)
David Collins, in his An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales (vol. 2-p.144), commented for the month of March 1799, following further flooding:
This fertile spot had, in some seasons, produced from fifteen to twenty thousand bushels of wheat, and might justly be termed the granary of New South Wales.
During his administration Governor Hunter (1796-99) issued grants of 6,820 acres. He was recalled by the Duke of Portland in a despatch dated 5th November, 1799, listing his failings:
Having now made all the observations which appear to me to be necessary on the points contained in your several dispatches, which are now before me, it is with very severe concern that I find myself obliged to add that I felt myself called upon by the sense of duty which I owe to the situation in which I have the honour to be placed to express my disapprobation of the manner in which the government of the settlement has been administered by you in so many respects - that I am commanded to signify to you the King's pleasure to return to this kingdom by the first safe conveyance which offers itself after the arrival of Lieutenant-Governor King, who is authorised by his Majesty to take upon him the government of that settlement immediately on your departure from it. (HRNSW vol. 3, p. 738)
Philip Gidley King, who had served as second lieutenant in the Sirius with the First Fleet, became Governor on 28th September, 1800.
The following Government and General Order was issued by Governor King on 9th November, 1800 :
In consequence of the daring seizure of the Norfolk sloop by a party of convicts in the Hawkesbury, no boat or decked vessels are to sail from hence to the Hawkesbury, or from thence to this place, without giving three days notice to the Governor or officer in command of those places, and to wait for two or three other vessels going at a time. Should any future attempts of that kind be made, the people belonging to those vessels are, on the pain of most exemplary punishment, to cut away their masts and rigging before they are boarded, and, if possible, to run them ashore and bilge them, for which purpose each vessel must be provided with an axe or tomahawk. (H.R.N.S.W. vol.4, p. 254)
The effect of such an order was to create greater pressure for road transport.
One of Governor King's first acts was to reduce the price of grain and fresh pork, producing a deleterious effect on the Hawkesbury farmers and resulting in a shortage of both commodities the following winter.
Government and General Order of 2nd April, 1802, proclaimed :
It having been represented to the Governor that some of the settlers at the Hawkesbury are making a traffic of the cedar growing on or about that river, he strictly forbids any cedar being cut down but by his particular permission to the officer commanding at that place; and if any cedar logs or planks are brought from any part of that river to any other settlement without the Governor's permission, such logs and planks will be seized for the purposes of Government, and the boats or carts containing them confiscated for the public use. (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 4, p. 736-7)
King established large Commons in the Districts of Richmond, Nelson and Phillip for the grazing of stock. In reporting to Lord Hobart on 7th August, 1803, he stated:
...as I am warned of the necessity of that precaution by the inconvenience now experienced by the settlers of the Hawkesbury, who having others placed immediately behind them had no means of having their allotments enlarged for their increasing and acquired stock. To remedy that evil your Lordship will observe by the chart that I have granted a tract of land to the settlers of Nelson district (Pitt Town), as a common ground for grazing their cattle and sheep, which shall be as generally extended as possible to other districts ; and ... I have recommended those who possess more than one farm that lye contiguous to one another to have them consolidated in one grant, which will be attended with much individual convenience. (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 4, p. 309)
The General and Government Order on the 11th August, 1804, proclaimed common lands in the districts of Nelson (5,650 acres), Richmond Hill (5,130 acres), Phillip (6,150 acres), Prospect Hill (9,345 acres), Baulkham Hills (3,880 acres) and Field of Mars (5,050 acres). (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 5, p. 415-6)
Of King's action in creating common lands, issuing a written title of these reserves, and vesting them in the Crown, Brian Fletcher has commented, (J.R.A.H.S. Vol. 59 - Sept.,1973.-p.191-2) that this was a curious step since all unalienated lands already belonged to the monarch and, in fact, these actions added nothing to the Crown's existing rights.
King apparently believed it provided additional safeguards against future encroachment by private persons, having undoubtedly learnt from the experiences at Toongabbie, where the Government farm had been reduced in size to the point where it could no longer serve its original purpose.
An article in the Windsor and Richmond Gazette of 5th December, 1891, bears testimony to the difficulties the Government faced in using these lands for purposes other than as Commons.
A deputation consisting of Messrs. Toohey, Chanter, and Rose, Ms L.A. and Messrs. H. Bowd, T. Thompson, C.W. May, H. Curl, J. Johnson, and R. Ryan, representing a selection of the residents of Pitt Town and Wilberforce, waited on the Minister for Lands on Friday last with reference to the town commons. Mr. Chanter introduced the deputation, and explained that they wished to oppose the resumption by the Government of the Pitt Town and Wilberforce commons. The land had been given to the residents by Imperial grant in 1804, and they doubted the legality of the Government resumption of the land for settlement. The commons were of great use to the farmers and residents, especially in flood time. Mr. Copeland, in replying to the deputation, said he had gone into the matter when he had been in office five years ago and he had then been satisfied that resumption of these commons would be in the interests of the residents themselves as well as of the general community. There were two questions to be considered - first, the legal rights of the residents, and second, what was best to be done with these large reserves in the interests of the whole community. He was of the opinion that the 103th section of the Land Act of 1884 and the 41 section of the Act of 1889 gave full power to resume these dedicated or reserved lands. He had submitted the legal aspect of the question to the Attorney-General for his opinion, and until he got that he would take no further action in the matter. As regarded the other feature of the case he had no hesitation in saying that it would be to the benefit of the people themselves to have a great portion of these commons resumed for settlement. He would not for a moment think of resuming the whole area of the commons. The Wilberforce Common comprised 7970 acres, and the Pitt Town Common 8775 acres, which with the Richmond Hill Common, amounted to 17,000 acres. He thought it would be a manifest injustice to the other people of the colony to allow these three commons to remain unutilised, it being now nobody's business to put them to their best use. When he got the opinion of the Attorney-General he intended to take steps to give effect to the views he held.
A telegram from Windsor to the "Star" on Saturday said: -
'The general public heartily applauds Mr. Copeland's views with reference to cutting up the local commons, and thus promote settlement in the district, rather than permit thousands of acres of good land to lie idle or availed of as runs by large stockowners. The bulk of the people are in favour of having the commons cut up into smaller farming or orchard blocks, certain reservations to be made for floodrefuges and similar purposes.
(Note : the amount of land quoted as being the areas of the commons seems incorrect, as the figures quoted for Pitt Town and Wilberforce commons alone combine to almost 17,000 acres).
The common was resumed by the Government, and the Pitt Town Village Settlement for the relief of unemployment established in 1893. This project was replaced by the Casual Labour Farm in August, 1896. In 1910, the Dreadnought Scheme utilised the area which would later be renamed Scheyville, after the Director of Labour and Industry, William Francis Schey. Scheyville was used as a migrant reception centre from April, 1949 until December, 1964. The seizure of Common land by the State is still a "hot" issue in Pitt Town.
In 1894, part of the common was subdivided for sale. These lots now form the Oakville and Maraylya areas. (Reference: A History of Scheyville. Rex and Linda Stubbs. 1983)
[In planning terms, the creation of these commons is undoubtedly one of the most under estimated events of the time. In effect, it "sterilised" from development for almost a century large tracts of flood free land, ensuring that they remained under the control of the Crown. The availability of this land and its subsequent utilisation has significantly influenced the development of the Hawkesbury over the past hundred or so years.
Governor Macquarie, in 1810, located the towns of Richmond, Wilberforce and Pitt Town (initially) on Richmond Hill, Phillip and Nelson Commons respectively.
Ham Common consisted of over 5,000 acres of highland stretching from the present Castlereagh Road near Richmond, to the back of the farms facing South Creek, circuiting the original urban area of South Windsor. Land was taken from it for glebe purposes and the railway to Richmond lopped off a large northern section from the main body in 1864. A further 200 acres of the Common was dedicated for a Racecourse in 1868.
When the newly formed Department of Agriculture decided to establish an agricultural college, the site of the Ham Common was chosen. Practically all of Ham Common south of the railway line, and west of Rickaby Creek, with the exception of the present Richmond Golf course was dedicated to Hawkesbury Agricultural College in November 1892. The South Windsor Tip is located on part of the land dedicated to Hawkesbury Agricultural College and part of it is to be redeveloped into a community recreational facility.
A School of Aviation was established on 37 acres in the north east portion of Ham Common and 22 acres resumed on its western boundary. It was officially opened in August, 1916. This area subsequently became the R.A.A.F. Base at Richmond. Hawkesbury Agricultural College has since become the University of Western Sydney - Hawkesbury. The new Hawkesbury Showground is situated between the two, on Ham Common.
The area now known as Bligh Park was also at one stage part of the common as was that part of Mulgrave south of the railway line, with the exception of the area which had been granted prior to 1804.
The Windsor and Richmond Gazette of 28th July, 1894, advertised:
"...subdivision of Parts of Pitt Town and Richmond Hill Commons into 97 blocks".
Part of Pitt Town Common was resumed in 1890, but not before major public outcry at a local level. The same occurred with Wilberforce Common.
In September, 1893, Mr. G.M. Pitt commenced a survey of Pitt Town Common. Three thousand acres were to be taken for Village Settlement purposes. With the exception of 240 acres set aside for a refuge for stock in flood time, an area for a general cemetery, another for quarries and another for a permanent common, the remainder was subdivided into 30 to 40 acre lots.
Similar events occurred at Wilberforce, with land resumed for the Copeland Village Settlement. The Pitt Town Village Settlement area later became known as Scheyville.
The lease of the Baulkham Hills Common was "torn up this 1st December, 1825, the lease having expired many years before". The 14 year lease of the Common expired in 1818 and that portion of it suitable for settlement was then granted to settlers.
Elsewhere, the southern portion of the Field of Mars Common was subdivided and sold in the 1880's to pay for the construction of the Gladesville and Iron Cove bridges. A significant part of the remainder of the common became sections of the Lane Cove River Park and various other bushland recreation reserves in the Lane Cove area.]
The names of the Trustees of the various Commons were published in the Sydney Gazette of 20th January, 1820, together with the a report on the 'Rights of Commonage' by the Judge Advocate, so "thereby vexatious complaints and litigation be prevented".
WHEREAS, by the General Order of the 11th of August last, the Bounds of the different Commons notified therein were designed; and HIS EXCELLENCY having been pleased to direct the necessary Instruments for that purpose to be prepared, and the Seal of the Territory to be attached thereto, in the Names of the following Persons as Residentary Trustees, viz.
| Nelson Common. | Andrew Thompson | Thomas Biggers | Thomas Tyler |
| Phillip Common. | |
| Matthew Lock | Edward Robinson |
| Henry Baldwin | |
| Richmond Hill Common. | |
| John Ryan | John Bowman |
| Andrew Thompson | |
| Field of Mars and Eastern Common. | |
| David Brown | Francis Oakes |
| James Squires | |
| Baulkham Hill and Northern Boundary Common | |
| John Smith | Andrew M'Dougal |
| George Sutor | |
| Prospect Hill Common | |
| John Nicholls | James Cleaver |
| William Kentwell. | |
And that the Right of Commonage may be understood, and thereby vexatious complaints and litigations be prevented, I am directed to draw up and make public the following Epitome of the existing Laws respecting COMMONS , for the information of all concerned, viz.
The word Common, in its most usual acceptation, signifies Common of Pasture. This is a right of feeding one's beasts on another's land; for in those waste grounds initially called Commons, the property of the soil is generally in the Lord of the Manor (here the KING, or his Representative for the time being).
Commonable Beasts are either beasts of the plough, or such as manure the ground. This is a matter of most universal right; and the law annexes this Right of Common as inseparably incident to the Grant of Lands; but this right may extend to other beasts, besides such as are generally commonable, such as hogs, goats, sheep, &c. or the like, which neither plough or manure the land: - This is not a general right, and can only be claimed by immemorial usage and prescription.
The Lord of the Manor may enclose so much of the waste as he pleases, for tillage and wood ground, provided he leaves Common sufficient as are entitled thereto. - The interest of the Lord and Commoner in the Common are looked upon in Law as mutual; They may both bring actions for damage done, either against strangers or each other; the Lord for the public injury, and each Commoner for his private damage.
- Lords of manors may depasture in commons.
- The Lord may agist (i.e. take in and feed the cattle of strangers in the King's forests), the cattle of a stranger in the common by prescription; and he may license a stranger to put in his cattle, if he leaves sufficient room for the commoners.
- The Lord cannot dig pits for gravel or coal.
- The Commoner cannot use Common but with his own proper cattle; but he may borrow other cattle, and common with them, for by the loan they are made his own cattle.
- No commoner can distrain the cattle of another commoner, though he may those of a stranger.
- If a commoner incloses or builds on the common, every commoner may have an action for damage.
- A commoner may not cut brushes, dig trenches, &c. in the common, without a custom to do it.
- Any man may, by prescription, have Common and feeding on the King's highway, although the soil doth belong to another.
- Infected horses, mares, and stone horses under size are not to be put into commons.
And should any local Regulation be deemed necessary, the Trustees will signify the same to the nearest Magistrate, that he may apply for regular Permission and eligible Persons to be appointed, to consider of the propriety of such Regulations.
By Command of His Excellency,
RD. ATKINS, Judge Advocate.
The Sydney Gazette of 3rd July, 1803, reported :
Ground has also been measured at the Green Hills, for building a School-House, 100 feet in length by 24 feet wide, for the Education of Youth on the Banks of the Hawkesbury; for which purpose Government has undertaken to make the Bricks, and to give such other Assistance as may be admissible, to effectuate so desirable an Institution in that quarter of the Colony.
Governor King reported on 7th August, 1803:
A very spacious Brick Granary with Three Floors, is now compleated at the Hawkesbury for Public Use - I have employed the People in that Quarter to burn Bricks for building a large School House and Offices with Gardens etc. for a House of Public Institution for Male Youth of this Colony. (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 4, p. 311)
The Granary had the "following dimensions length 101 Feet, breadth 25 Feet, Height to Wall plate 23 Feet, with Three Floors" (ibid. p. 319)
A disappointed Governor King issued the following Government and General Order on 10th August, 1804:
Whereas a subscription was set by foot in August, 1802, by a great part of the settlers and others at Hawkesbury to build a public school at the Green Hills, and it having appeared that no subscription was paid, or that any person was inclined to undertake the charge of erecting a suitable building for that purpose; and whereas the Governor has caused a spacious brick building, which will be compleated (sic) about October next, to be erected at the Green Hills at the expence of the Crown; and a greater part of the settlers in that quarter having, at the last general muster, signed an instrument engaging themselves and their heirs, &c, for the term of fourteen years, to pay the annual sum of twopence p'r acre for all lands granted by the Crown and held by them, for the purpose of providing maintenance for such persons as may be appointed to instruct their children, and for the support of a person authorised by the Governor to perform Divine service at the schoolhouse and chapel now building at the expence of the Crown. The said building and the ground adjoining being leased by the Governor on behalf of the Crown for a term of fourteen years from the 1st of October next, under the provisions contained in the said lease, to be entirely appropriated to the benefit of themselves to attend Divine service and for the education of their children, submitting themselves to observe and abide by all such regulations for conducting the said school as may be determined on by six of the subscribers chosen by the whole, and two magistrates, of whom the Principal Chaplain to be one, and in whose names, with that of such other clergymen as are appointed by the Crown, the lease will be made out. And a specific legal instrument will be drawn out by the Judge-Advocate previous to the school and chapel being opened. It will remain for the signature from 1st to ye 7th of September next, at the Judge-Advocate's office; from the 7th to ye 14th at the Court-house, Parramatta; and from ye 14th to ye 21st at the magistrates at the Green Hills, Hawkesbury, at which time the plan of education may be seen by those who wish to become subscribers to so beneficial an institution. (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 5, pp. 412-3)
The school was constructed in what would become Bridge Street. John Harris transferred his school from a rented house into the building in early 1805.
Governor King found it necessary to initiate measures for the protection of the banks of rivers and creeks. Contained in the Government and General Order of 4th October, 1803. removal of trees and shrubs within two rods (approximately ten metres) of the banks was prohibited, with the exception of a one rod wide opening to allow access to the water. The General Order is reproduced below:
4th October, 1803.
From the improvident method taken by the first settlers on the sides of the Hawkesbury and creeks in cutting down timber and cultivating the banks, many acres of ground have been removed, lands inundated, houses, stacks of wheat, and stock washed away by former floods, which might have been prevented in some measure if the trees and other native plants had been suffered to remain, and instead of cutting any down to have planted others to bind the soil of the banks closer, and render them less liable to be carried away by every inconsiderable flood. Nor is this the only evil - the public convenience having suffered by the numerous large trees lying in the stream and fallen across, rendering water carriage on the creeks almost impracticable, and in some parts of the Hawkesbury very dangerous.
As several settlers have been or are now fencing on the lower part of the Hawkesbury, along the Nepean, South Creek, and George's River, in situations were the above evils may be prevented, it is hereby directed that no settler or other person to whom ground be granted or leased on the sides of any river or creek where timber is now growing, do on any account cut down or destroy, by barking or otherwise, any tree or shrub growing within two rods of the edge of the bank, except for an opening one rod wide to have access to the water.
Mr. Evans, Acting Surveyor of Lands, is directed to communicate this ordinance to those lately settled, and to give the Governor a list of those who have not yet cut any timber down in the above situations, that it may be made a condition in their grants; and should they not be sufficiently sensible of the general and individual benefit arising from this necessary regulation, the magistrates are hereby required to levy a fine of fifty shillings for each tree cut down, the penalty to go to the informer prosecuting to a conviction before two magistrates.
Within the two rods of timber left on the banks, another rod is to be left for a public road along the sides of the river or creek, which three rods are not to be measured in the respective allotments.
It is earnestly recommended to those who already hold farms by grant situated on the side of any river or creek liable to floods, and which have been cleared of timber, to replant the banks with such binding plants and trees as they can procure. (H.R.N.S.W., vol. 5, pp..230-1)
This General Order was published in the Sydney Gazette of 9th October, 1803. A rod is an imperial unit of linear measurement, being five and a half yards or sixteen and a half feet (5.0292 m.)
A reader of the Sydney Gazette reported in the edition of 18th December, 1803, that South Creek was blocked to navigation by vast quantities of dead Timber and Rubbish:
Having lately taken an excursion up the South Creek, Hawkesbury, I was a good deal surprised to find the Navigation of the Branch of the River rendered impracticable by the different Settlers falling the Trees growing on its Banks, into the water. At first, on seeing such vast quantities of dead Timber and Rubbish in the River, I naturally concluded that for want of sufficient water it never was at any period navigable and that this was the reason why the Trees were fallen into it; but on better information I found that there was a sufficient depth of water to ply the largest Boats we have at present employed in bringing round Grain from Hawkesbury to Sydney. In fact, when I beheld the large fields of Wheat and Barley growing on this part of the Settlement, and estimated the heavy expence and labour attending its Land Carriage to market, (for in the present state of the creek it is impossible to bring it in any other manner) I could not suggest any reason why this Public Nuisance had not been long since removed. I content myself with pointing out the Nuisance, and trust some more intelligent reader will stake out a plan by which this grievance may be removed; and I hesitate not to pronounce, that the plan whose object is so universally advantageous, will prove acceptable to the Community at large, and the more especially so to the Creek Settlers themselves.
| I am &c. A Constant Reader. |
Another correspondent wrote to the Sydney Gazette of 7th September, 1805, commenting on widespread disease affecting the blue gums in the Hawkesbury, noting that the same species had not been affected between Parramatta and Sydney:
Being at the Hawkesbury a few days ago, I could not help remarking the strange and singular appearance of the blue gum trees, in every part of that District; instead of being cloathed (sic) with the verdure that every other ever green has at all seasons of the year they have a sombre, russet aspect, and their leaves are universally withered and dropping off. Some uncommon circumstances, in the change of climate and season, either the cold or wet, must have caused so unnatural an appearance; for it is the nature of ever greens to drop their leaves through every season without the tree losing its enlivening green, for neither are the buds for the springing leaf all for one season, as is the case with deciduous trees, but are formed successively as each leaf approaches to maturity. From their present aspect, we have reason to suppose, that either the long and heavy rains have injured the roots, or that a much greater degree of cold has prevailed than has been usually felt in the Country: - Or, that a combination of both causes have contributed to produce it. The trees of the same species between Parramatta and Sydney do not appear to have suffered, but retain their usual hue. If those that have been long resident in the Colony have never observed the same appearance before, we must conclude, that the last very wet season has been a phenomenon in the climate of New South Wales.
| AN OBSERVER. |
In May, 1803, Governor King asked to be given leave of absence while an enquiry into the state of the Colony was undertaken. In November, the Secretary of State, accepted what he chose to interpret as an offer of resignation, although King was not relieved until August, 1806.
The first earthquake recorded in the Sydney region occurred in June, 1788. Arthur Phillip reported on 9th July, 1788:
The 22nd of this month (June) we had a slight shock of an earthquake; it did not last more than two to three seconds. I felt the ground shake under me, and heard a noise that came from the southwards, which I at first took for the report of guns fired at a great distance. (HRNSW. Vol. 1, Part 2, p. 150, - also p. 154)
Daniel Southwell wrote to Mrs. Southwell, on 12th July, 1788, reporting the same event, but with a different date:
June 23rd, at 4 p.m. per log, there was felt the gentle shock of an earthquake, and the appearance of the country warrants an opinion that it has been subject to very serious ones. (HRNSW Vol. 2, p. 692)
The Hawkesbury was affected by an earthquake in 1801, as reported by George Caley to Sir Joseph Banks from Parramatta on 25th August, 1801:
About 11 o'clock at night on 12th February, 1801, I was awoke by an earthquake, which gave repeated shocks for about three minutes, though in other places not far from me it was said not to last above a few seconds. At Sydney I believe it was but little felt, but at the Hawkesbury it was felt as severe as with me. (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 4, p.513)
The Sydney Gazette of 12th May, 1804, reported:
On Tuesday last the 7th Instant, between nine and ten o'clock at night, the shock of an Earthquake was sensibly felt by all the Inhabitants and Settlers at and about Hawkesbury, Parramatta and Prospect Hille (sic). The motion appeared to be an undulation of the earth moving in the direction of N.E. to S.W. and lasted about six seconds. The night was remarkably fine and serene.
It may be remembered that a very violent shock was felt about two years ago, which occasioned much damage to several buildings at Parramatta.
The Hawkesbury was again subjected to an earthquake in 1806, as reported in the Sydney Gazette of 28th September, 1806:
On Wednesday morning last the shock of an earthquake was felt at Richmond Hill, of from 28 to 30 seconds duration, the undulation as nearly as could be described, from N.E. to S.W.
The Sydney Gazette of 22nd May, 1823, commented:
...night last week the town of Windsor was greatly alarmed by the noise of something like an earthquake accompanied by a trembling of the earth. Some of the inhabitants living near to the river, or creek, over which Howe Bridge stood were so terribly alarmed as to hasten to the spot from whence the crash appeared to proceed; and they discovered that Howe Bridge, supposed to be one of the finest bridges in the Colony, had actually fallen in. When the next morning arrived, nothing but the wreck of this noble bridge was to be seen. It is conjectured that the work must have given way about the centre, but from what cause it is hard to form a correct opinion. A team of bullocks, belonging to William Cox, Esq., of Clarendon, had just cleared on this side of the river for Sydney, when the bridge tumbled in. Some weeks will be occupied in restoring this loss to the town of Windsor, during which interim the inhabitants cannot but be seriously inconvenienced. It is a matter of thankfulness, however, that no lives were lost.
James Steele commented in his book, Early Days of Windsor N. S. Wales, that severe earthquakes were felt in Windsor in 1804, 1823 and 1842. However, there is some disagreement regarding the extent to which an earthquake had been responsible for the collapse of Howe's Bridge in 1823. Some historians have felt that there was an intrinsic weakness in the bridge. These problems are discussed in more depth later.
Professor T.W. Edgeworth David reported to the Royal Society of N.S.W. on 3rd December, 1902, his research into An Important Geological Fault at Kurrajong Heights, N.S. Wales. He concluded that "The fault described in this paper is intimately related to the structural feature, a monoclinal fold, which forms the eastern escarpment of the Blue Mountains." The paper contains references to earlier reports on the escarpment by Charles Darwin and the Rev. William B. Clarke. The paper concluded that the fault at Kurrajong Heights extended to Lapstone Hill in the south, and through Mountain Lagoon in a northerly direction. There was a suggestion that the fault could also run further north , beyond the Colo River. (Journal and Proceedings of the Royal Society of N. S. Wales, XXXVI)
The Hawkesbury district suffered extensive damage from flooding in March, 1806. The Sydney Gazette of 30th March, 1806, carries a report from the Hawkesbury dated 27th March :
HAWKESBURY, MARCH 27
The extensive damage done by the flood cannot yet thoroughly be ascertained; - though it is known, that many individuals lost every thing they possessed, and that several have perished in the deluge, which was never before known to arrive to so great a height by from eight to ten feet. What rendered its progress still more destructive was the false notion of security which many had imbibed, from the supposed confidence that there never would be another heavy flood in the main river, though without assigning any cause for such an idea; to which the recent alarms seemed to give a colour, as each succeeding fresh had abated without any damage, save from that sustained from the overflow of the South Creek.
The first appearance of this distressing inundation was observable on Thursday the 20th instant; the River, discoloured, having risen several feet above the high water mark. The settlers on the low grounds, known from former doleful experience to be subject to disaster, were now preparing for the consequences; but in the course of the night the rise abated, and by the next morning apprehension had totally subsided. The incessant rains on Friday and Saturday night gave a new turn to expectation; and by day-light on Saturday morning a scene of horror presented itself in every quarter. It was by this time nearly as high as on the 2d of March 1801; many farms were then under water; the rain continued without intermission, and a rapid rise was in consequence observable. The measures adopted by THOMAS ARNDELL Esq. for the preservation of lives were actively carried into execution by Mr. Thompson, Chief Constable; who in one of his boats saved the lives of a hundred persons, whom he took from the roofs of houses, and rafts of straw floating on the deluge. He had two more boats employed in the same humane work, and by means of these also a number of lives was saved.
Mr. Thomas Biggers, often at the risk of his own life, saved upwards of 150 men, women, and children; and others who possessed boats, particularly the District Constables, were very active in this benevolent duty.
In the course of this dreadful day upwards of 200 wheat stacks were swept into the stream, and carried down the river with incredible velocity: stock of all descriptions were seen floating about and on the tops of stacks, but could not be saved for want of boats, those of Messrs. Thompson, Biggers, and others being constantly employed taking the settlers families from the roofs and ridges of the houses, where many had for hours clung despairing of assistance, and expecting to be shortly washed into the watery waste. Towards Richmond Hill it seemed to abate on Saturday evening; down the River it still rose - The distress and horror of that evening can neither be described or imagined. - The day heavy and gloomy, the night fast approaching, torrents of rain pauring (sic) with unabating fury; and not a house except at the Green Hills to be seen, the roofs of one or two of the highest on the opposite side of the water being then only visible. Muskets were discharged by the settlers from the trees and roofs all day, and the great number had been taken up, and left in safety on the higher ground; but many were devoted to undergo a night of horror the most inexpressible: in the evening the dismal cries from distant quarters, the report of fire-arms dangerously charged in order to increase the noise of explosion; the howling of dogs that had by swimming got into trees, all concurred to shock the feelings of the few that were out of the reach, but were sorrowful spectators of the calamity they could not relieve. On Sunday morning the rigor of the weather abated; and in the course of the day the water on the high lands showed a disposition to turn off. Nearly 300 persons, saved from the deluge by the humane perseverance and incredible exertions of their rescuers, were released from a state of actual famine by a supply sent from the Green Hills in consequence of HIS EXCELLENCY'S request to Mr. Arndell to afford the sufferers every assistance and relief.
Five persons are at present known to have lost their lives: one of whom was a labourer at Richmond; the others at Chalker's farm, viz. Walter Scott, a shoemaker, who has left a large family to deplore his destiny, & James Burns, with two women, one the wife of Benjamin Coolen, the other the wife of J. Cowan. Three of these unfortunate persons had taken shelter in Chalker's house, there hoping safety: but alas! the highest and the lowest situations seemed alike devoted, and security was nowhere to be found. Chalker was in turn compelled to fly for safety; and taking to his boat with a boy five years of age, and the above three, by fatal accident the boat upset, and they instantly perished. The child was the first object of Chalker's care, as an endeavour to save either of the others must have failed, and been at the same time fatal to himself, as the distance he had to swim was little short of a mile. The child at his desire threw his arms about his neck, and instead of giving way to terror endeavoured to embarrass his preserver as little as possible and occasionally to cheer him with the assurance that they were almost out of danger.
Among some of the wonderful escapes was that of William Leeson, a settler who with his mother, wife and two children, and three men, was carried from his farm upon a barley mow. They were driven by the impetuous current nearly seven miles; and were taken off in the dark by Rich. Wallis, with the greatest difficulty.
The amount of stock loss must indeed be serious and considerable, though a quantity of different kinds was picked up, after the settlers with their wives & children were removed from danger.
Many of the stacks of wheat and barley that were floated off were forced by the current into the ocean; upward of sixty were seen by one observer to clear Cumberland Reach, and twenty were seen by two lime burners in a very short space of time, drifting towards Pit-water (sic) where they had but little obstruction to encounter: upon some of these were many pigs, dogs, and prodigious quantities of poultry, a great many of which took flight and got to land as they occasionally approached the banks. By Wednesday about noon the water had fallen about 12 feet; but none of the grounds about the back farms were at all fordable. Many of the stacks that had broke loose have been secured: Indeed nothing but the Officers of Government, & the readiness with which their commands were generally executed, could have left one single hope to this extensive settlement, which had no other appearance than that of an enormous sheet of water. And although distress was visible in every countenance, and universal horror prevailed, yet could there be found beings so destitute of the common feelings of humanity as to refuse their aid in preserving the lives and property of the unhappy sufferers. This inhuman conduct was immediately represented to His Excellency by the Rev. Marsden and Thomas Arndell Esq. who were on Thursday joined by C. Throsby Esq. with 8 Constables; and in consequence of their representation His Excellency was pleased immediately to issue a General Order what was so of itself criminal viz. refusing assistance..., when not only lives and property, but the welfare and very subsistence of the whole Colony was at stake.
On Wednesday and Thursday 125 Labourers from the Public Works at Parramatta and Castle Hill, were sent under their overseer, together with 27 volunteer soldiers, to give every assistance the Magistrates might direct, in saving as much wheat and growing maize as possible, by drying the former, and pulling and shelling the latter.
The road between Hawkesbury and Parramatta was also in a dreadful state of flood, no communication being practicable but along the elevated grounds, occasioning a prodigious circuit; the Race Ground was nearly covered, and the Ponds, the foot of Lapstone-hill, and various other parts of the road were not fordable.
Much apprehension was entertained for the fate of the Settlers on the Nepean; when whence some satisfactory intelligence has been received, but no certain accounts of the losses at that place or the Hawkesbury can as yet be depended on: Yet it is sufficiently obvious, but that little short of the present destruction of private property in that Settlement is the consequence of this uncommon deluge; which, like those of the nile, may conduce to the abundance of future crops.
Governor King, in reporting to Earl Camden on 7th April, 1806, stated :
surely no place could possess more local advantages for raising an abundance of grain than the districts about the Hawkesbury. Still they are subject to the misfortune of being often inundated...There is every reason to suppose that a high flood happened in March, 1788, which was two months after the first colonists were landed at Port Jackson. It is known that another high flood happened in March, 1794, and in September, 1795. Another, which destroyed almost everything at Hawkesbury, took place in March, 1800 ; and from October, 1800, to March, 1801, two extreme high floods occurred, the last of which swept almost everything away, as stated in my general letter dated 10th March, 1801. From that period there has been a few partial floods that have not done much damage, until this unfortunate event, which will more than ever convince the settlers in that quarter of the unstable tenure by which they hold their property and the fruits of their labour, which I hope will have the effect of making them set a greater value on the forrest lands, which, although not as fertile as the Hawkesbury land, are secure against the many misfortunes of flood.
Governor King made a note against "forrest lands", indicating "such as the land about Toongabbie, Parramatta, Prospect Hill, Castle Hill, Seven Hills, and the farms on the north side of the harbour of Port Jackson, and in various parts of the country." (H.R.N.S.W. vol.6, p. 61-62)
Bligh reached Sydney on 6th August, 1806, but didn't take up office for a week. During this time Governor King granted him 240 acres at Camperdown, 105 acres near Parramatta, and 1,000 acres near Rouse Hill. In January, 1807, Bligh granted Mrs. Anna King 790 acres in the district of Evans. she called the grant "Thanks".(HRA ser.1, vol. 4, p. xv)
Upon Bligh's arrival he was presented with an address of welcome on behalf of the free men by John Macarthur. The Hawkesbury settlers took umbrage and drew up their own address of welcome, pointing out "the invasion of their rights and privileges as British subjects" by "John McArthur Esq." Governor Bligh received the following request :
We look upon your Excellency in wisdom to put in practice such means as may be for the salvation, honour, and interest of the colony, and for averting the approach of famine and distress to its inhabitants -
Soon after his arrival Bligh purchased three farms at what would become Pitt Town. These comprised three grants, viz., one of 110 acres to James Simpson (made by Governor King on 31st March, 1802) and two to Thomas Tyler, one of 60 acres (granted by Governor Hunter on 1st May, 1797) and one of 110 acres (granted by Governor King on 12th April, 1803). All were purchased by Governor Bligh from the original grantees. (HRNSW vol. 6, p. 262) [ It should be noted that most of this property was above what is now the one in a hundred year flood level.]
He appointed Andrew Thompson to manage the farms as "model farms" to demonstrate what could be achieved by "good management and persevering industry". These farms benefited considerably from the Government flock and stores. For example, Andrew Thompson wrote to Bligh on 16th October, 1807, stating:
I beg leave to inform your Excellency that I went into the Toongabby yards and exchanged eight of the inferior cows, with the bull, and obtained good and sufficient ones in their room, which will fully answer the purpose and make a great difference and advantage in your Excellency's flock, which, from pasturage and attention, will be one of the best in the colony to their number, the cows now being again all in calf.; also, all the other stock is in a prosperous state, as per the returns inclosed. I did not get up your Excellency's pigs from Castle Hill, as one of them had just farrowed and could not travel, but I will on Monday next. We are planting the maize to the best advantage by manuring all the upper lands, &c., which will be done in a day or two, when we will turn our prompt attention towards the buildings and inclosures until harvest, that will shortly come on, as all your Excellency's wheat in the upper lands is now in ear, which, with the general crops in this extensive settlement, has every appearance of giving a plentuous and joyful harvest to make the people happy under your Excellency's auspicious and benign government, the beauty and gratification of which would be highly enhanced should your Excellency, amidst your many and important duties, be pleased to visit our ample plains in the full fruition of harvest. ( H.R.N.S.W. vol. 6, p. 307-8)
Andrew Thompson again wrote to Bligh on 19th December, 1807. He advised that the Governor's expected total profit for the following year would be 1,065 Pounds. Included was an estimate for "The house and improvements intended and set on foot for this year will be worth and enhance the value of the estate to 400 Pounds." Thompson concluded with "N.B. - But it may be observed that a common farmer who has to pay for everything would by no means have such profits." (HRNSW Vol. 6, p. 389-392)
Bligh's daughter, Mary Putland, planted five Oak trees on the property. They became known as Bligh's Oaks until cut down in 1947 to allow room for expansion of a citrus orchard. Also demolished at the same time were the remains of buildings known locally as Bligh's Stables.
Promissory notes served as currency and were generally expressed in bushels of wheat. One such note was held by John Macarthur from Andrew Thompson. Following the flood of 1806, the price of wheat rose from 7 shillings per bushel to 30 shillings. Macarthur demanded payment in wheat. Bligh issued a proclamation on 1st November, 1806, stating that all promissory notes were to be "payable in sterling money":
GOVERNMENT AND GENERAL ORDER
1st November, 1806.
...Whereas the term currency made use of in this colony seems not to have carried its proper signification in the small notes generally circulated, it is hereby declared that its meaning is only applicable to money, and not barter in goods; so that if any note is made payable in copper coin or the currency of the colony, it is to be inferred that money only is the means by which it is to be liquidated.
And whereas the good faith of individuals is not to be perverted, it is hereby declared, that on or about the first day of January, 1807, all checks and promissory notes issued shall by public proclamation be drawn payable in sterling money; and that after the proclamation is publicly declared, all outstanding notes payable in copper coin or Colonial currency shall or may be sued for as if the term "copper coin or Colonial currency" had not been expressed. The value of coins already established to be in full force. (HRNSW vol. 6, p. 198)
Following the floods of 1806, Bligh provided supplies from the Government stores to the Hawkesbury settlers (HRNSW vol. 6, pp.. 176 & 186) and offered to take wheat from the next crop into the Government stores at 15 shillings per bushel (Sydney Gazette 21st December, 1806). This delighted the settlers, resulting in strong loyalty to Bligh even after the events of 1808.
Bligh was determined to stamp out the barter of spirits for goods or labour, commenting on 7th February, 1807:
It is absolutely necessary to be done to bring labour to a true value and support the farming interest... In addition to the reasons already given to prohibit the barter of spirits, is the strong temptation it holds out to the settlers and other inhabitants to erect private stills, which tend to destroy not only the grain but the industry and morals of the people. The practice of distillation has been so general that the late Governor found it necessary to prohibit it under certain fines and penalties, and to offer emancipations, free pardons, and pecuniary remunerations to those who would give information of persons employed in this ruinous work ; but the effect has not yet been produced, as this practice still continues in violation of every order and vigilance of the police. (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 6, pp. 246-52)
This was followed on 14th February, 1807, by the following proclamation :
His Excellency the Governor laments at finding, by his late visits through the colony, that the most calamitous evils have been produced by persons bartering or paying in spirits for grain of all kinds, the necessaries of life, and the labourers for their hire, such precedings depressing the industrious and depriving the settlers of their comforts and wants. In order to remedy these grievous complaints, and to relieve the inhabitants who have suffered by this traffic, he feels it his duty to put a total stop to this barter in future, and to prohibit the exchange of spirits or other liquors as payment for grain, animal food, labour, wearing apparel, or any other commodity whatever, to all descriptions of persons in the colony and its dependencies. (ibid, pp. 253-4)
In a despatch to Winham on 31st October, 1807, Bligh provided a description of the colony, stating:
(it) may be considered to contain one thousand four hundred and fifty-two square miles - of which one hundred and forty-two are granted to individuals, one hundred and sixty-two to Government, thirty-nine and an half as commons, and twenty to the Orphan school ; therefore the remains of land unoccupied is one thousand and eighty-nine square miles, one third of which is probably not fit for cultivation. (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 6 pp. 349-65)
Governor Bligh was overthrown by the officer corps on 26th January, 1808. Major Johnston delivered the following to Bligh:
Headquarters, 26th January, 1808.
Sir,
I am called upon to execute a painful duty. You are charged by the respectable inhabitants of crimes that render you unfit to exercise the supreme authority another moment in this colony; and in that charge all the officers under my command have joined.
I therefore require you, in His Majesty's sacred name, to resign your authority, and to submit to the arrest which I hereby place you under, by the advice of all my officers, and by the advice of every respectable inhabitant in the town of Sydney.
I am, &c., GEORGE JOHNSTON,
Acting Lieu't-Gov. and Major commanding NSW Corps.
(HRNSW vol. 6, p. 434)
Andrew Thompson was questioned following the overthrow of Bligh. His evidence is contained in the Colonial Secretary's Papers (HRNSW Vol. 6, pp. 450-451):
Q. Have you the management of the public business at the Hawkesbury? -
A. I have, under Mr. Arndell. There are above one hundred men victualled by Government. There are from twenty to thirty men employed on Governor Bligh's farm; there had been thirty victualled by the Crown. There are seven at Captain Putland's farm now. (Captain Putland owned the adjoining farm and was married to Bligh's daughter, Mary.) I have drawn for Governor Bligh's farm from the public stores. I have the account. I have drawn quantities of stores on my own account from the public stores, which are paid for, and I have credit, I believe, with the Commissary. I have the charge of Governor Bligh's private concerns at the Hawkesbury. Twenty cows with calves were drawn from the public herds on account of Governor Bligh, and eight cows heavy in calf on account of Captain and Mrs. Putland. Seven or eight of the cows without their calves were returned to the Government herds, and an equal number drawn in calf on Governor Bligh's account. There were twelve of the best sows in pig drawn from the Government drove at Castle Hill, and a boar, and thinks (but can ascertain it by his returns) that six were returned after pigging, without their young ones, to Castle Hill. That they were fed by grain or refuse grain from the public stores, and driven into the woods in the day time on account of Governor Bligh. That there were pigs afterwards received both from Sydney and Castle Hill, said to belong to Governor Bligh. That I have had a large quantity of cedar from the mountains on my own account without duty by permission from the Governor. Part of the cedar has been appropriated to build pews in the church at Hawkesbury. The pew marked No. 1 is built for the Governor. Andrew Thompson's name is marked on pew No. 2. The magistrates pew will come in about No. 14. The pew marked No. 2 was built by the public labourers and in part by the public timber. I manage the Governor's dairy concern at the Hawkesbury and dispose of his milk at 10d. per quart. I take grain in payment for the milk, which grain I have on hand. I have about seventy or eighty pounds sterling worth of grain on account of milk belonging to Governor Bligh. I have put into the stores about two thousand bushels of grain within these last twelve months on my own account, but will give an exact return. I have about thirty convicts in my employ, most of them good men. I picked them when I had the opportunity. I drew one hundred and ten gallons of prize spirits by Governor Bligh's permission, about two months ago, for which I am to pay 8s. per gallon, and have sold it in small quantities at from 18s. to 20s. per bottle. I have received during the last twelve months about three hundred gallons exclusive of the prize spirits. I have never had any Colonial distilled spirits to my knowledge in my house, within the last twelve months, or had any sold on my account. George Crossley has informed me he was consulted by the Governor. George Crossley has informed me that the charge against Mr. McArthur was liable to be punished by fine, imprisonment, or pillory in this colony, Since the Criminal Court has been sitting, Geo. Crossley has spoken about the Judge-Advocate leaving his seat, and said that they were not a Court without the Judge-Advocate. I have been consulted by the Governor on public affairs and some things of little consequence about the officers. That I have been on very good terms with the Governor. I have heard that the Governor has said that he preferred sitting down with an Hawkesbury settler than an officer, and is not certain that Governor Bligh did not tell him so. The Governor has about seventy or eighty sheep on his farm, originally drawn from the public flocks. The Governor has a shed on his property about two hundred feet long, weather-boarded and shingled, with a barn of brick 50 ft. by 18, a brick house about 50 by 14 feet containing three rooms, and there is another house of nearly the same dimensions now building. All the buildings were completed by the labourers of the Crown. I imagine the buildings would cost an individual of upwards of a thousand pounds; but I can give a nearer estimate. Nine oxen were generally employed, fed by grain from the public store. James Simpson has had two men fed by the Crown, from nearly the time that Governor Bligh purchased his farm, one as a settler and the other as a constable, that I passed my note for the purchase of the farm, one hundred pounds, which was to be paid me from the produce of Governor Bligh's farm put into store. I hold Governor Bligh's memorandum to that effect. I have no particular instruction from Governor Bligh about his farm, but I have been informed by Governor Bligh that the stock and articles drawn from the stores were to be paid for, and he wishes everything to be fair and honourable.
A group of Settlers wrote to Viscount Castlereagh on 17th February, 1809, in support of Governor Bligh and stating the reasons for his overthrow as they saw them:
The memorial of the undersigned, who came free into the colony, -
Most respectfully showeth: -
That your memorialists had no hand, act, or part in the rebellion that now exists in this colony.
That they do abhor and detest the said act, its aiders, and abettors, and were every way fully satisfied and content under His Excellency's (Governor Bligh's) administration. His Excellency was doing all that public virtue or private worth could accomplish to correct abuses, re-establish discipline, protect and encourage sobriety and industry.
That your memorialists believe the following causes principally led to the rebellion; - That the officers had been (and still continue) merchants, traders, a dealers, which was carried on by employing convicts as their agents in different parts of the colony, by which means a great number of the inhabitants are in debt to them or their agents, which gave them a dangerous influence; and they had entered upon expensive establishments, which nothing but a continuance of abuse could support. That there is no nutritious liquor produced in the colony, either as a restorative to the sick or laborious. That our present rulers monopolised the whole of the spirits brought into the colony at about ten shillings per gallon, which they retail at from two to six pounds per gallon. They had for years commenced land-jobbing. This went so far as the selling of land before the grant was obtained, and was declared a legal transaction by two civil Courts. That nearly whole districts were bought up by a few wealthy individuals, and the most obnoxious convicts placed on them as tenants, with the labour of a certain number of convicts assigned to them by the landlord. These farms became haunts for thieves, and gave them an opportunity of sallying out, committing rapes and robberies in various parts of the colony, and plundering the industrious.
The officers were interested in impeding agriculture: the more settlers were ruined the cheaper they could purchase estates; the less grain grown by the settlers, the better prices they had for their own.
The number of convicts let off the stroes on their own hands wander about as pedlars; and many without any visible employ lurking about farms, of the above description, is highly injurious to your memorialists...
That your memorialists are without any protection from the law or public orders, the magistrates publicly declaring they acted by their own discretions. That when your memorialists applyed (sic) for protection they were frequently treated with insult; and if they presumed to appeal to the Governor (note: acting Governor) they were lyable (sic) to be dragged to prison by convicts and locked up without meat, drink, fire, or candle, or even straw to lye on, with the most abandoned thieves.
That in one instance one of your mem.'s was locked up in the same cell with three malefactors under sentence of death, tried and fined, and imprisoned without being taken before a magistrate, remanded, and again confined with the above malefactors. The settlers name is John Bowman... (HRNSW VOL. 7, pp. 33-35)
The memorialists were John Howe, John Johnstone, Andrew Johnston, James Mein, James Davison, Caleb Wilson, Charles Griffiths, John Turnbull Sen'r., Ralph Turnbull Jun'r, W'm Bowman, John Bowman, Thomas Arndell, Robert Martin and Richard Rouse. The same group presented an address of support to Bligh on 17th March, 1809. (HRNSW vol. 7, pp. 78-80)
For more than a year, Bligh remained in confinement in Sydney. On 17th March, 1809, aboard the Porpoise, he sailed to the Derwent, where he remained until Macquarie's arrival in Sydney. He returned to Port Jackson on 17th January, 1810.
Under-Secretary Cooke instructed Governor Bligh on 15th May, 1809:
Col. Macquarie, whom His Majesty has appointed to succeed you in the Government of New South Wales will, upon his arrival in the colony, replace you in your situation as His Majesty's Governor. Lord Castlereagh, however, desires it to be understood by you that when liberated from arrest you are not to proceed to the general exercise of the functions of Governor; but the day after you shall have been so liberated you are to receive Col. Macquarie as your successor at the Government House, when he will open his patent, and you will swear him into office. (HRNSW Vol. 7, p. 149)
Macquarie reported to Viscount Castlereagh, on 12th May, 1810, on the events surrounding Bligh's Dismissal:
1. The ships now under dispatch having been detained here by Commodore Bligh, under various pretences, much beyond the time originally fixed for their departure, I conceive it my duty to assure your Lordship that their detention has in no way whatever been occasioned by me, and that I have done everything in my power to persuade Commodore Bligh to sail with them long ago, and which he certainly might have done a full month sooner...
4. I have taken particular pains to discover the cause which gave rise to the most daring event, and to the mutinous conduct of Lt.-Colonel Johnston and the New South Wales Regiment, and find it extremely difficult to form a just judgement on this delicate and mysterious subject, party rancour having run so high as to preclude the possibility of arriving at the truth without a very minute and legal investigation of the whole business.
5. But, in justice to Governor Bligh, I must say that I have not been able to discover any act of his which could in any degree form an excuse for, or in any way warrant, the violent and mutinous proceedings pursued against him on that occasion, very few complaints having been made to me against him, and even those few are of a trifling nature.
6. On the other hand, there cannot be a doubt but that Governor Bligh's administration was extremely unpopular, particularly among the higher orders of the people; and from my own short experience, I must acknowledge that he is a most unsatisfactory man to transact business with, from his want of candor and decision, in so much that it is impossible to place the smallest reliance on the fulfilment of any engagement he enters into. I have particularly felt this in regard to the dispatch of the ships now on the eve of their departure, their detention here being not only a vast expence to Government, but a very great drain on the resources of the colony, and, I fear, may inconvenience us to a much greater degree before we can obtain sufficient supplies to replace the provisions they have consumed*... (HRNSW Vol. 7, p. 378)
* The quantity of wheat in the Stores on Macquarie's arrival was less than 100 bushel (HRA ser. 1, vol. 10, p. 672)
It must be remembered that Bligh had been through considerable stress following the third mutiny in his career, the others being the well known Bounty Mutiny of 1789, and again whilst in command of the Director at the Nore in 1797. Following this trauma, he had subjected himself to a long period of self-imposed exile on the Derwent River. Bligh had a reputation for a being hot-tempered and for swearing strongly, but he has been generally considered to have been a good commander. It is quite possible that Bligh was suffering from a bout of depression at the time that he met Macquarie, and that his medical condition contributed to his difficulty in reaching a decision.
A more detailed description of the relationship between Governor Bligh and the Hawkesbury Settlers is to be found in The Hawkesbury Settlers and the Rum Rebellion by Brian Fletcher. ( J.R.A.H.S. Vol. 34, Sept. 1968, pp. 217-237)
Governor Bligh reported to the Right Honourable W. Windham, on 19th March, 1807 (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 6, pp. 259-60) :
No arms have been found, or any positive overt act committed, our information leading only to declared plans which were to be put into execution by the Irish convicts, headed by O'Dwyer and some of the Irish state prisoners, as they are here called.
It appears that, in order to avoid detection, they determined to rest their success on seizing the arms of the loyal inhabitants ; and to effect this, the Irish servants of the inhabitants were on a certain time fixed to massacre their respective masters, and the principal persons of the colony, and then to possess themselves of their arms.
Of this determination, I continued to have proofs more or less, when I determined on seizing the persons represented as the ring-leaders, and effected my purpose. O'Dwyer I have put on board the Porpoise. Byrn (sic), Burke, and some others are in jail for trial, and will be brought forward as soon as our evidences are all arranged and prepared.
Bligh reported on the outcome of the trial to Wyndham on 31st October, 1807, (H.R.N.S.W. vol 6, pp 363) stating:
The Sydney Gazette of 7th June, 1807, reported on the trial, held in May:...they have since been tried, and the fact, in my opinion, proved, yet they were acquitted - except two, who were sentenced to corporeal (sic) punishment. The whole being prisoners for life I immediately divided the gang and sent two of each to the settlements of Norfolk Island, the Derwent, and Port Dalrymple, and kept two here. The two men who informed of this conspiracy gave their evidence so steadily as to induce me to give them free pardons, and they remain here without any apprehension of being molested by the disaffected Irishmen."
Michael O'Dwyer, Hugh Byrne, Martin Burke, John Merner (sic), Thomas McCann, Arthur Devlyn (sic), and Walter Clare, were put to the bar ..., for contriving and intending to disturb the peace of this colony, by instigating many persons to revolt from their allegiance, and to rise in open rebellion, with them to overthrow His Majesty's Government therein, as well upon the 27th day of August last as at other subsequent periods, prior to the prisoners being taken into custody.
The evidence on the part of the Crown was clear and connected. It appeared upon the most respectable testimony, that the conduct of many of that description of prisoners, who had been exiled for treasonable and seditious practices, had been untoward and highly disrespectful to their masters, at and about the above stated period, and that,, from this sudden change of conduct, in addition to the various informations that were communicated by persons whose veracity was to be depended upon, no other inference was deductible than that the projected insurrection was on the very point of bursting forth, and that the devoted victims to delusion and artiface were confident of a successful issue.
The prisoners were allowed every assistance requisite for their defence; which after some exculpatory argument, concluded with a point blank denial of the charge.
The Court was then cleared; and after a minute revision of the evidence, reopened; when Thomas McCann and William Morris were found guilty, and the others were acquitted. - The prisoners were taken from the bar, and ordered to be brought up to receive their sentence the following day.
... Thomas McCann and William Morris were again brought forward, and addressed by the JUDGE ADVOCATE; who remarked to them, notwithstanding the malignancy of the crime they were convicted of upon testimony clear and incontrovertible, yet the penalty incurred did not extend to the lives of the delinquents; but the security of society from such foul, sanguinary, and abominable devices, rendered necessary the most exemplary punishment: The Court did therefore adjudge and sentence them to receive one thousand lashes each; the Court recommended further, that as delinquents of the most dangerous principles and character, be removed by the most speedy conveyance to some remote place, where the baneful influence of their detestible principles might not be disseminated among other ignorant & incredulous persons.
In pursuance of their sentence, the prisoners having received a part of their corporal punishment, have been sent away to different settlements, where the remainder will be inflicted.
...The odious project which has thus been happily laid open, has been in agitation for upward of a twelvemonth; the secret informations received by Government rendered vigilance necessary, and every precaution that had been adopted was immediately succeeded by a change of measures among the principal agents in the work of intended massacre - and had their plots succeeded to their wish, dreadful indeed had been the fate of all, whom reason, loyalty, and humanity must inspire with sentiments of abhorrence and disgust at their intended plan of operation.
On 27th May, 1807, Bligh sent to Norfolk Island two of these suspects with the following instructions to the Commandant, Captain Piper:
Michael O'Dwyer and William Morris, two convicts for life, being found to be persons necessary to be removed from this settlement, you are hereby required and directed to receive the two said men, and victual them accordingly, taking care that they are not suffered to quit Norfolk Island unless by authority from under my hand. And the said William Morris, having received five hundred and twenty-five lashes, pursuant to his sentence of one thousand, you are hereby required to direct the remaining part of four hundred and seventy-five lashes to be inflicted according to the warrant sent herein by the Judge-Advocate. (HRNSW Vol. 6, p. 354)
In May, 1809, after Bligh had been removed as Governor, Colonel Paterson gave Dwyer, Byrne, Devlin, Burke, and Mernagh allotments of 100 acres each in the District of Cabramatta. ( Land Grants 1788-1809 R.J. Ryan. pp.201-202)
A hurricane was reported in the Sydney Gazette of 6th November, 1808 :
On Friday evening a dreadful hurricane set in at Hawkesbury, which raged for about 20 minutes with uncommon fury, and was productive of consequences which it is feared will have a serious tendency. The growing wheat upon the banks, which wore a rich and promising appearance, was for many miles lain flat, by the irresistible violence of the wind ; and it was apparent that very little of the forward crop could be saved, owing to the stems being broken short. An unfinished house, the property of Mr. Lawrence May, at Bardo Narrang, was blown down, and some of the material scattered to a considerable distance ; several buildings at and about the Green Hills suffered much, and among others, the old prison which was used as a place of temporary confinement, was totally thrown down...and accounts declare that Richmond has totally escaped its ravages. "Bardo Narrang" refers to the area now known as Pitt Town. The name was frequently used in the Sydney Gazette prior to Macquarie renaming the area in 1810.
[Lawrence May was to later conduct the first experiment in irrigation in the colony at his Pitt Town farm as reported in the Sydney Gazette of 1st September, 1828:
A Mr. Lawrence May, a respectable settler at Pitt Town, has had the courage to erect a pump for the purpose of irrigating his land, an experiment, we believe, perfectly novel and unprecedented in the Colony. The pump is placed on the margin of the river, and conveys the water through lead pipes into a ditch or trench, where it is conducted at pleasure, by furrows to any part of his farm. It is calculated that it will discharge twenty tons per hour, and requires only two to work it. The first trial is to be made Monday next, and a considerable number of respectable gentlemen intend to be present at so interesting a scene.]
The Hawkesbury again suffered the effects of flooding in May and August, 1809. The Sydney Gazette of Sunday 4th June, 1809, reported of the May flood:
Further accounts of this disaster state that the first perceptible rise in the River took place on the afternoon of Thursday se'ennight, when it rose at a rapid rate of 4 feet per hour until the water began to spread over the banks. The Resident Magistrates took every active precaution for the preservation of lives and property; and as long as assistance was found necessary, such persons as were fortunate enough to be provided with boats were employed in rescuing others who were in imminent danger; and on this occasion Mr. Andrew Thompson personally signalized himself, in an unremitting exertion of two whole days and nights continuance. About four o'clock on Saturday morning the water was at the highest, and remained tranquil for three hours, when it began very gradually to fall. From the Green Hills, over the South Creek as far as Tuckwell's Lagoon near the Red House* was a sheet of water, across which Mr. Thompson's accommodation boat conveyed people to and tro'; and all the lower situations down the River were laid entirely under water. At Bardo-narrang** and up the South Creek the principal losses are supposed to have been sustained; but little comparative damage has been felt upwards... Many experienced Settlers attribute it to a bursting of a cloud upon the mountains, which overflowing the gulph (sic) occasioned the very sudden rise in the River. This disaster happening at a time when most of the Settlers had cropped their grounds, His Honour the LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR immediately ordered every assistance from the other Settlements, to facilitate the clearing and sowing the ground anew; and by Tuesday evening upwards of 120 working hands were dispatched from Sydney for the purpose of assisting the sufferers.
* The Red House was Andrew Thompson's McGraths Hill Property.
** Bardo-narrang is now known as Pitt Town Bottoms
Estimated losses in the May flood were "1,769 bushels of wheat, 785 bushels of maize, 212 bushels of barley, 233 acres of maize, 264 pigs and a few sheep and goats." (Sydney Gazette 4th June, 1809)
Following the August flood, the Sydney Gazette of 6th August, 1809, commented:
Accounts were on Tuesday last received in town of the Hawkesbury Settlement being again flooded; and in the course of the following day those accounts were unhappily confirmed; A Mr. Bull of Sydney, who was at the house of Mr. John Benn, down the River*, at the commencement of the flood, informs us, that little or no rain fell in that quarter until Saturday evening the 29th ultimo, when a heavy rain set in which continued without intermission until Monday morning. That a rise in the water was perceived between 10 and 11 on Sunday night, and continued for some hours to rise gradually, but afterwards with an astonishing rapidity until the whole of the surrounding farms were laid under water. About noon on Tuesday it was at the highest; and in the course of the afternoon abated 5 or 6 feet; but, in consequence of the deluges of rain that fell in the evening and night of Tuesday, the water rose again several feet. On Wednesday it began again to fall, and by the noon of Thursday had decreased 10 feet from its greatest height. - Among the principal sufferers that we have heard of down the River, is Mr. Benn; he having lost upward of 300 head of swine, 100 sheep, about one thousand bushels of wheat threshed or in stack, and a stack of barley, besides a valuable property contained in his dwelling-house and barn, among which were two chests of tea and a ton of sugar but a few days prior received from Sydney.
From the Green Hills**, the following report contained in a private letter, dated on Tuesday night, 11 o'clock, was received in Town on Thursday :-
'With regret I inform you of the dreadful scene that at the present moment chills me with excessive horror. - The whole of this extensive settlement is one interrupted sheet of water. The lower range of houses upon the Green Hills is immersed; and the River has formed a juncture with the South Creek, across the Hills, through Rickerby's grounds upon the River side, and those of the Rev. Mr. Marsden on the Creek. Yesterday and last night was a most dreadful season! The danger encroached with a rapidity never before witnessed; and the cries of the numerous families who were more imminently exposed were rendered still more agonizing by the impracticality of affording them immediate relief. In one alarming instance, a young man a settler, his wife, and three children, were seated on a ladder lain across the fork of a tree, in which situation they contrived to sustain an equilibrium for nearly three hours, the man a great part of the time clinging by his hands at the end of the ladder; but at last yielding to fatigue, he forsook his hold, and all in consequence precipitated into the deluge; The woman and children were picked up; but the fate of the unfortunate man is doubtful. A settler at Cornwallis passed the Hills this morning on the top of a small wheat-stack; his fate is unknown; but it is much hoped he may have been preserved by some of the boats employed in this humane work. In another, and truly melancholy instance, eight persons are supposed to have perished in one spot. - The names of those supposed unfortunates have been mentioned; but from this I must refrain, hoping the account may be erroneous, or at least exaggerated: - At present all is uncertainty and dread, all terror and astonishment. Some lives are lost; many have been saved by the exertions of the more enterprising, directed by our Magistrates, who by their example encourage the toil of rescuing whole families from the very verge of fate. And I cannot omit to mention the active and indefatigable exertions of Messrs. Thompson and Biggers, to whom, under the direction of Divine Providence, many are indebted for their lives. Their fatigues were equal to their dangers, which were increased by the extreme darkness of the nights; during which their boats were repeatedly stove, and it was with difficulty they could with their crews preserve their lives. Many others who volunteered their exertions are also entitled to every praise. At the order of Mr. Bell, the church was appropriated to the reception of the sufferers brought to the Hills, and such as were destitute were victualled from the Store, and every measure that humanity could devise was adopted to alleviate as much as possible the misery of their condition.
It is considered that the perpendicular rise of the river could not be much less than 86*** feet from the general level, and to have exceeded that of March, 1806, by 6 or 8 feet perpendicular height; and unfortunately happens at a time of year which totally destroys the propects of the settler, and the dependence of the Colony upon this settlement for the next year, as the sown wheat will in all probability perish in the ground in most of the lower situations.
At the farm of Mr. S. Terry nine persons, viz. Cooley, of Toongabbee; Munsey, of Hawkesbury; Hodges, servant to a gentleman of Sydney; Mahomed an Asiatic, his wife and two children, and two black men - had endeavoured to secure themselves on the top of the barn, which fell in about 5 on Monday evening; but as there was no other resource left, they continued on the roof for about two hours after, when the wife of Mahomed fell through the thatch with one of her children in her arms, and was no more seen. Cooley endeavouring to save the other child, which clung to Mahomed, the father, slipped off with the infant, and in like manner disappeared; as did Munsey also. Mahomed and the two black men saved themselves in trees, and Hodges swimming about in the dark at length got into the stream, by which he was carried between 5 and 6 miles before any impediment opposed his rapid course; when happily he found safety among the branches of a tree; from whence he was taken at length by a boat, and conveyed to a place of safety.
* Pitt Town. ** Windsor.
*** This height is probably incorrect. A more accurate estimate would be 47 to 48 feet.
Not all development in the Hawkesbury was Government funded or organised. The following article appeared in the "Evangelical Magazine" of 1809:
In the district of Portland Head, on the banks of the river Hawkesbury, several of the settlers have come forward, by a subscription, to erect a chapel and a school-house. One of the settlers has given four acres of ground for the purpose, and about 200 Pounds was subscribed. The spot, which is delightfully situated, is now called Ebenezer Mount. The institution is named, "The Portland Head Society for the Propagation of Christian Knowledge and the Instruction of Youth." Mr. Hassall and Mr. Youl, who were formerly missionaries at Otahiti, dispense the Word of Life among the people.
Settlement of Portland Head was undertaken by free settlers, most of whom arrived on the Coromandel on 13th June, 1802. They were instructed by Governor King to settle on the Government Farm at or near Toongabbie, where they could plant wheat, maize and potatoes. The following year they were each granted 100 acre allotments on either side of the Hawkesbury River at Portland Head. The river formed the major means of transport between farms.
The Society was formed at a meeting held in the home of Thomas Arndell on 22nd September, 1806. It was decided to erect a schoolroom and chapel on four acres of land donated by Owen Cavanagh. James Mein acted as Pastor until John Youl took up his position as minister and schoolmaster. The Church was completed in 1809 and the schoolmaster's residence in 1817. Both were designed by Andrew Johnston. Ebenezer was the first non-conformist, then Presbyterian, Church in the colony.
Those who covenanted to build Ebenezer Church were the families of Dr. Thomas Arndell, Paul Bushell, Owen Cavanagh, James Davidson, Capt. John Grono, George Hall, John Howe, William Jacklin, Andrew Johnston, John Johnstone, Lewis Jones, James Mein, William Stubbs, John Studdis and John Turnbull.
The following advertisement for construction of the schoolmaster's residence was carried by the Sydney Gazette of 7th June, 1817:
TENDERS for FINISHING the above Chapel will be received by Mr. ANDREW JOHNSTON, Portland Head, from such Persons as may be inclined to finish the same; and who may be furnished with particulars as above related thereto. - No Tenders will be received after the 20th Instant.
A MEETING of all SUBSCRIBERS to the above Chapel will be held in that Place on Tuesday the 18th Inst. at Twelve at Noon, to take into Consideration the various Matters relating to the said Chapel, and to audit the several Accounts; and it is required that as many of the Friends and Subscribers as can make it convenient, will be present.
Final payment was made on 14th April, 1820. ( J.C.L. Fitzpatrick. The Good Old Days, p. 126) The building was originally partitioned with cedar, half for use as a church, the other as a school.. The building remains essentially unchanged from its original structure, except that the partitioning has been removed and the central doorways on both the eastern and western sides have been closed, with the entrance moved to the southern side. A porch was added in 1929.
Ebenezer Church is the oldest surviving church building in Australia.
The first communion service according to the rites of the Church of Scotland was conducted there in 1824 by Rev. John Dunmore Lang.
Dr. J. D. Lang arranged for Revd. John McGarvie to come from Scotland, and requested financial assistance from Government to help finance his salary.
Earl Bathurst wrote to Governor Darling on 1st April, 1827, advising that the request for Government assistance had been approved on a pound for pound basis:
I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your dispatch of the 9th of September last, marked Separate, transmitting a Petition from the Presbyterian Settlers of the District of Portland Head, praying that their Minister, the Revd. J. McGarvie, may be allowed a salary.
Having received a similar application lately from the Scotch Settlers, established at Van Diemen's Land, I have ... directed that a small stipend should be afforded by the Government towards the support of their Minister, the amount of which is to be equal to the Sum, which the Presbyterians might themselves subscribe for that purpose, each contribution by the Govern't on no account exceeding the sum of 100 pounds per annum. Upon this principle, I am willing to sanction the payment of an allowance to the Revd. Mr. McGarvie; but ... it must be understood ... whenever the population of that particular district shall have so far extended in numbers and prosperity, as to admit of the Inhabitants taking upon themselves the whole expense of the support, it is possible that the present allowance may be withdrawn for the purpose of being bestowed on the Minister of some other District, where the Settlers may not be so well able to bear it. (HRA ser. 1, vol. 13, p. 218)
John McGarvie commenced his ministry at Ebenezer in June, 1826.
Born in Yetholme, Scotland, Andrew Thompson was transported for fourteen years in the Pitt in 1792 after being convicted of being in possession of stolen goods. Having spent a year in the men's provision store, he joined the police force, serving at Toongabbie. In 1796 he moved to Green Hills and was made constable. He was pardoned in 1798 and rapidly rose to the rank of chief constable.
Thompson had, within two years of his arrival at Green Hills, purchased four contiguous farms totalling 120 acres fronting South Creek. He named the property "West Hill Farm". It was here that he built the Red House.
Governor Hunter granted a lease of one acre at Green Hills on 1st October, 1799. This was situated on what is now the northeastern side of Thompson Square. Here he constructed a house and a general store and later an inn.
In 1802, he constructed the first toll bridge over South Creek. The Toll was the first in the colony, being necessary for the upkeep of the floating bridge, which was susceptible to damage by flooding. Governor King issued the following Government and General Order on 25th May, 1802:
Whereas Andrew Thompson (Settler and Constable) has been at a great Expence in constructing a Floating Bridge over the South Creek, at the Hawkesbury, leading from the Parramatta Road to the Green Hills, which is of great convenience to the Settlers and Inhabitants in this Colony; and as the Subscriptions for carrying on that Work have been very inconsiderable in comparison to the expence, he has requested that a permanent Toll may be established by Authority, for Persons, &c., passing that Bridge, as may compensate him for the expence he has been at, and to enable him to keep it in repair. In consequence of that just claim, the following Toll is established, for the term of 14 years from this Date, provided he keeps the said Bridge in constant Repair (Accidents by Flood or Fire excepted), viz.: For each Foot Passenger, 4d. or 10s. per annum; For each Horse, 2s. 6d. or 2L. 10s. per annum; for every Cart or Carriage, 1s. 6d. or 1L. 10s. per annum.
Government having subscribed 15 pounds and two Men for three Months towards erecting the said Bridge, Constables and Government Men going or returning from public labour, who have a Pass signed by the Magistrate at Parramatta, Toon-Gabbee, or Sydney, or from the Magistrate at Hawkesbury, as well as every Officer and Soldier in the actual execution of public duty, are to pass free of every Toll: But if any person whatever endeavours to impose by passing under these pretexts, they will, on conviction, forfeit 5 pounds to the Proprietor of the said Bridge.
The Governor having given to Andrew Thompson the exclusive priviledge (sic) of keeping and maintaining the Bridge, and the Receipt of Tolls arising therefrom, for a space of 14 years, from this Date, any Person keeping a Passage-Boat, or using any other mode of carrying or conveying Passengers, Horses, or Carts across the South Creek, will, on conviction before two Magistrates, forfeit the sum of 5 pounds for each offence to the Proprietor of the Bridge. (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 3, p. 624)
Thompson built four ships, the Hope (1802), Nancy, (September, 1803), Hawkesbury (1804, after the sale of the Nancy to Kable and Company) and The Governor Bligh (1807). He also bought the Speedwell from Captain Grono in 1804. Thompson also had a "landing place" at Green Hills. (Sydney Gazette 24th August, 1806)
The Sydney Gazette of 25th September, 1803, reported:
A strong well-built Sloop, from 35 to 40 ton burthen, belonging to Mr. Andrew Thompson, was on Saturday the 17th instant launched at the Green Hills, Hawkesbury. Mr. Thompson has another vessel of nearly the same size on the stocks, which will be shortly ready to launch.
The same paper on 19th February, 1804, reported:
Another handsome Sloop built by Mr. A. Thompson, was on Thursday launched from the Green Hills; her keel was laid by Mr. Kelly, now master of the Nancy, her burthen is computed at 30 tons, and in compliment of the spot of her nativity, she has received the name of the Hawkesbury.
The Hawkesbury was offered for sale in the Sydney Gazette of 15th March, 1807:
Also for Sale, the excellent and very handsome sloop HAWKESBURY, lately returned from Otaheite. Her speed in performing her voyage thither renders every other encomium* unnecessary. She is well found with good ground tackle and rigging and has a full suit of sails entirely new. Principals are requested to apply by letter or otherwise to Mr. Thompson, Hawkesbury.
To be sold at Mr. Thompson's about 400 lbs. of fine Otaheite Pork belonging to an individual of Otaheite, for ready payment, to be delivered at Sydney, Parramatta, or the Hawkesbury. - Also, a Nog containing about 30 gallons of Coconut Oil. (* encomium - a high commendation)
The launching of Thompson's new vessel was announced in the Sydney Gazette of 12th April, 1807, along with an advertisement for "a person to make and well burn 30,000 Bricks" for Andrew Thompson:
Last Tuesday se'nnight Mr. Thompson's fine vessel was launched from the Green Hills: numerous spectators attended on the occasion, which afforded that part of the country a spectacle as pleasing as it was nouveau. She went off in very fine style, and as she darted across the stream was honoured with the appellation of "The Governor Bligh".
Salt was a rare necessity in the colony as it was required both for preservation of meat and in the sealskin trade. Thompson established a salt manufacturing plant initially at Mullet Island and later at Scotland Island at Broken Bay. The Sydney Gazette of 2nd December, 1804, reported:
By the Charlotte, from Broken Bay on Tuesday last, we learn that the Hope and Hawkesbury, belonging to Mr. Andrew Thompson, together with his Hawkesbury accommodation boat, and upwards of twenty hands, were awaiting there a favourable opportunity for endeavouring to get off the Speedwell, which we understand has been purchased at all hazards from Grono, some time since stranded there. For this purpose he has provided himself with a shipwright, and all tackling, &c. that might be wanting, but while it continues to blow fresh no attempt can be practicable. It is his design to erect a salt pan there; and for this purpose he has provided an oil boiler, which is probably fixed by this time, estimated to be capable of supplying about 200lbs. weekly. This will doubtless be attended with much utility, from the possibility of accommodating private stock growers with such proportion of that valuable article as may not be required for his own use; and from the liberal sanction and encouragement shown by Government to every worthy project that promotes public advantage, it may almost be wondered that the scarcity and necessity of salt to individuals has not induced others to adopt the means of a certain salt supply.
Governor King appointed Andrew Thompson as a trustee of both Nelson and Richmond Hill Commons on 19th January, 1805. (Sydney Gazette 20th January, 1805)
Governor King permitted him to establish a brewery on South Creek in 1806. On 10th May, 1806, the following Government and General Order was issued:
In consideration of the repeated useful and humane exertions of Andrew Thompson, settler, and head constable of the Hawkesbury districts, in saving the lives and much of the property of the sufferers by the repeated floods in that matter, as well as from his general demeanor, and to provide a wholesome permanent drink for the settlers and labourers in that extensive settlement, His Excellency has directed the Commissary to furnish the said Andrew Thompson with the coppers and other brewing utensils arrived by the William Pitt, he making payment for the same, with the usual advance of fifty percent, in the following obligatory conditions. - that is to say : -
To supply the inhabitants with good beer at not more than one shilling
per gallon, and a small beer at sixpence.
Not to dispose of the beer so brewed to particular individuals, but the
distribution to be as general as possible.
Not to sell, give, lend or make any other use of the malt he may make
than for the purpose of brewing on his own premises.
(H.R.N.S.W.vol. 4, p. 72)
Thompson controlled a barge for ferrying passengers across the river. He also established a tannery at the Red House. In addition, he was responsible for distribution of the Sydney Gazette in the Hawkesbury. (S.G. 20th October, 1803, & 30th December, 1804)
On Bligh's arrival in 1806, Thompson was the largest grain grower and wealthiest settler in the colony. He had acquired on 11th August, 1804 a grant of 278 acres of fertile riverbank land (200 acres of these having previously granted to John Howell) which he named Agnes Banks and, on the same day, a further 260 acres adjoining Nelson Common, which he named "Killarney". Over the next two years he added another 30 acres to West Hill. He also purchased Baxter's 80 acre farm upstream from "Agnes Banks", naming it "Wardel Bank", and Bayliss' 150 acre farm nearby, naming it "Glascow". These three farms formed a united property of 408 acres.
Governor Bligh purchased two farms at what is now Pitt Town and appointed Thompson to manage them as model farms. Thompson kept accurate records of his transactions on behalf of Bligh.
Allegations against Thompson's character had been made both during and after his lifetime. These primarily arose because of his association with Governor Bligh.
When rumours reached Bligh in 1807 that he was involved in distilling, Thompson vigorously defended his position, writing to Bligh :-
I am gratefully thankful to your Excellency for your justice and goodness respecting the insinuations made against my character in telling you that I was concerned in distilling, to which I again beg leave to pledge my life and property is false, defying any person in existence to prove that I ever spoke or acted against your Excellency's order on this head since the day it was published up to the present moment. But your Excellency is or would no doubt be convinced that the slander of this country would deprive you of the services of honest men if your Excellency's just wisdom and penetration did not counteract such destructive plans. (H.R.N.S.W.-vol. 6, p. 268 - 27th May, 1807 - Thompson to Bligh)
Following the removal of Bligh from office in the "Rum Rebellion" on 26th January, 1808, Thompson was dismissed as chief constable at the Hawkesbury and replaced by Archibald Bell.
As reward for his efforts in rescuing victims of the devastating 1809 floods, Thompson was granted by William Paterson, on 24th August, 1809, 1,240 acres at Minto. His previous leases at the Green Hills and Scotland Island were converted into grants. Thompson's lease of one acre, 43.25 rods in the Green Hills was converted to a grant on 9th May, 1809. A grant of "120 acres on an island situated near the southern extremity of Pittwater Bay -- being the first bay on the south west side of the south head of Broken Bay" was issued by Paterson on 11th August, 1809. (Land Grants 1788-1809)
Andrew Thompson was amongst the 23 individuals listed as approved to hold a Wine and Spirit License at the Hawkesbury in the Sydney Gazette of 5th March, 1809. Others listed were Sergeant George Loder, John Yeoman, William Aspinall, John Norman, John Jones, John Bolton, Richard Ridge, John Baylis, Richard Fitzgerald, James Blackman, George Hall, James Simpson, William Addy, William Mason, Matthew Lock, John M'Intosh, William Roberts, Edward Field, Thomas Rickerby, James Badgery, Thomas Green and Thomas Biggers. This compared with 11 at Parramatta and 4 at George's River. At Sydney, 9 military and 25 private individuals were granted licenses. Andrew Thompson was also included in that list. (S.G. 26th Feb. 1809)
Following illness resulting from immersion in the flood of 1809, Thompson handed over the running of much of his business activities to John Howe. The Sydney Gazette of December 3rd, 1809, carried the following advertisement:
John Howe begs leave to inform the public that he keeps and carries on the extension house and business of Mr. Andrew Thompson, at the Green Hills, Hawkesbury, with every respectful attention, and now has on sale a valuable assortment of Woollen and Linen Drapery, Haberdashery, Hosiery, Stationery, Grocery, Drugs, Cutlery, Ironmongery, Saddlery, Chaise, Cart and other harness in sets or otherwise, Men and Women's Shoes, Shoemaker's Tools, Dressed Leather of all kinds, Salt Pitch and Tar, Large Brass Locks, Copper, Copper Pump Works, Leadon Pipes and other Brewing Utensils, with a variety of other Goods of the best quality and at the most reduced prices for ready payment only. All persons indebted to Mr. A. Thompson are once more requested to make good their payments without delay.
When Macquarie arrived in 1810, Thompson was ill as a result of immersion in the 1809 floods. Macquarie appointed him Magistrate at the Green Hills and as a trustee on the new turnpike road between Parramatta and the Hawkesbury. However, Thompson's health deteriorated rapidly and he died of tuberculosis on 23rd October, 1810. His was the first burial in what would become St. Matthews churchyard. He left an estate estimated at the time to be worth at least 20,000 Pounds.
Thompson's will read:
...ITEM: To my beloved and only surviving brother, Walter Thompson of Whitehaven in the County of Cumberland and Kingdom of Great Brittain (sic) and to the four orphan children left by beloved brother, William Thompson, deceased, or to so many of them that are now living, I give and bequeath one half of my real and personal property and in case of their decease to the next of kindred.
ITEM: To Lachlan Macquarie, Esquire, Governor of this Territory, I give and bequeath one fourth of my real and personal property.
ITEM: To Simeon Lord, Esquire, Merchant of Sydney, I give and bequeath the other fourth of my real and personal property...
A sandstone slab was placed over Andrew Thompson's grave by Governor Macquarie in 1813. It reads:
Sacred to the Memory
of
ANDREW THOMPSON, ESQ.
Justice of the Peace and Chief Magistrate of the Districts of the Hawkesbury, a native of Scotland who at the age of 17 years was sent to this country, and from the time of his arrival he distinguished himself by the most persevering industry and diligent attention to the commands of his superiors. By these means he raised himself to a station of respectability and affluence, which enabled him to indulge the generosity of his nature by assisting his fellow creatures in distress, more particularly in the calamitous floods of the River Hawkesbury in the years 1806 and 1809, even at the immediate risque of his life and permanent injury to his health, he exerted himself earnestly during three successive days and nights in saving the lives and properties of numbers who, but for him, must have perished.
In consequence of Mr. Thompson's good conduct Governor Macquarie appointed him Justice of the Peace. This act which restored him to that rank in society which he had lost, made so deep an impression on him to bequeath to the Governor one fourth of his fortune. This most useful and valuable man closed his earthly career 22nd October, 1810, at his house at Windsor of which he was the principal founder.
From respect and esteem for the memory of the deceased this monument is erected by
LACHLAN MACQUARIE, GOVERNOR
of
NEW SOUTH WALES
A.D. 1813
A detailed account of the influence of Andrew Thompson by J.V. Byrnes is contained in the Journal of the R.A.H.S. (Vol. 48 pp. 105-141 and pp. 161-207.)
THE FUNERAL OF ANDREW THOMPSON
as printed in the
SYDNEY GAZETTE
3rd November, 1810.
In the mention of the death of A. Thompson Esq. in the Gazette of last week, we should have added an account of the Funeral (which took place on Friday se'nnight), had we in time received it. Between twelve and one in the afternoon the remains of this much-lamented Gentleman were removed from his house on the Green Hills, which for the hospitality of its owner had been for many years proverbial, and conveyed to the Chapel on the Green Hills, whereat the Rev. Mr. Cartwright attended, and delived (sic) a very elegant and appropriate discourse upon the occasion to one of the most numerous and respectable congregations ever assembled there: after which the ashes of this true philanthropist were conveyed to the New Burial-ground, and there deposited in a vault in the presence of the multitude, who, it may be unexceptionally said, felt the most sensible regret in taking their last farewell of him whose life had been devoted to the service of his fellow creatures. In the funeral procession the Rev. Mr. Cartwright walked foremost, and was followed by Surgeons Mileham and Redfern, who had attended the deceased during the long and painful illness that brought to a conclusion an existence that had been well applied. Next followed the BIER, attended by Captain Antill, Aide de-Camp to His Excellency the Governor, as Chief Mourner. The Paul (sic) Bearers were, Mr. Cox, Mr. James Cox, Mr. Lord, Mr. Williams, Mr. Arndell, and Mr. Blaxland. A number of Gentlemen followed as Mourners, and a long train, composed principally of the inhabitants of the settlement, followed in succession.
Se'nnight is an archaic term for a week, being a contracted form of sevennight, just as fortnight is a contraction of fourteennight.
A bier is a carriage for conveying the dead to the grave.
It is apparent from this article that the site for the new burial-ground, which would become St. Matthews graveyard, had been selected over a month before Governor Macquarie proclaimed on 6th December, 1810, the towns of Windsor, Richmond, Pitt Town, Wilberforce and Castlereagh, and even Liverpool on (6th November of that year). The Governor returned in January, 1811, to formally set out the towns, marking out streets and sites for a public square, church, school and burial ground in each.
| Date | Sydney | Parramatta & Toongabbie | Hawkesbury | Castle Hill | Ref. |
| 12-06-1796 | 1,818 | 1,133 | 546 | - | 1 |
| 30-06-1799 | 2,426 | 1,364 | 956 | - | 2 |
| 31-12-1799 | 2,546 | 1,466 | 1,088 | - | 3 |
| 05-08-1802 | 2,163 | 2,060 | 937 | 4* | |
| 12-07-1804 | 3,212 | 1,709 | 1,687 | 225 | 5** |
| 13-09-1804 | 3,344 | 1,909 | 1,720 | 6 | |
| >15-03-1806 | 3,134 | 1,893 | 1,806 | > 7** | |
| 30-04-1810 | 6,156 | 1,807 | 2,389 | 8** | |
| 06-12-1815 | 5,475 | 2,566 | 3,164 | 9** | |
| 06-12-1817 | 7,235 | 3,124 | 4,257 | 10** | |
| 27-09-1819 | 11,209 | 4,646 | 5,497 | 11 ** | |
| 26-10-1821 | 13,401 | 4,778 | 5,506 | 12** |
References:
1 - HRNSW Vol .2, p. 310
2 - HRNSW Vol. 3, p. 684
3 - HRNSW Vol. 3, p. 749
4 - HRA Ser.1, Vol. 3, p. 615 * excluding the military, civil, settlers.
5 - HRNSW Vol. 5, p. 431 ** Population of the Newcastle District - 95.
6 - HRNSW Vol. 5, , p. 472
7 - HRNSW Vol. 6, p. 45 ** Population of the Newcastle District - 103.
8 - HRNSW Vol. 7, p. 360 ** Population of the Newcastle District - 100.
9 - HRA Ser. 1, Vol. 9, p. 91. ** Population of Newcastle District - 346, of Liverpool - 1,167
10 - ibid. p. 722 ** Population of Newcastle District - 553, of Liverpool - 2,554
11 - HRA Ser. 1, Vol. 10, p. 286 ** Population of Newcastle District - 846,of Liverpool - 3,620
12 - ibid. p. 575 ** Population of Newcastle District - 1,169, of Liverpool- 4,246
Following the overthrow of Bligh, the Home Government determined that a military officer would become Governor and that he would have his own regiment. The Rum Corps was to return to England.
Macquarie assumed office on 1st January, 1810 and remained as Governor until 1st December,1821.
One of Macquarie's first acts was to appoint Andrew Thompson as Magistrate for the Hawkesbury. This is an excellent example of his policy on emancipists. Macquarie notified Viscount Castlereagh, on 30th April, 1810:
I was very much surprized and concerned, on my arrival here, at the extraordinary and illiberal policy I found had been adopted by all the persons who had preceeded me in office respecting those men who had been originally sent out to this country as convicts, but who, by long habits of industry and total reformation of manners, had not only become respectable, but by many degrees the most useful members of the community. Those people have never been countenanced or received into society. I have nevertheless, taken upon myself to adopt a new line of conduct, conceiving that emancipation, when united with rectitude and long-tried good conduct, should lead a man back to that rank of society which he had forfeited, and do away, in so far as the case will admit, all retrospect of former bad conduct. This appears to me to be the greatest inducement that can be held out towards the reformation of the manners of the inhabitants, and I think it is consistent with the gracious and humane intentions of His Majesty and his Ministers in favour of this class of people. I am aware it is a measure which must be resorted to with great caution and delicacy; but I am hopeful that in time it may be extended beyond the line with which I must restrict myself for the present. The number of persons of this description whom I have yet admitted to my table consists of only four, namely, Mr. D'Arcy Wentworth, Principal Surgeon; Mr. William Redfern, Assistant Surgeon; Mr. Andrew Thompson, an opulent farmer and proprietor of land; and Mr. Simeon Lord, an opulent merchant. Three of these persons have acquired property to a large amount; they have long conducted themselves with the greatest propriety, and I find them at all times ready to come forward in the most liberal manner to the assistance of Government. In order to mark my sense of the merits of Mr. Andrew Thompson, I have already appointed him a justice of the peace and magistrate at the Hawkesbury, where he has a large property; and I intend to confer the same marks of distinction on Mr. Wentworth and Mr. Simeon Lord when vacancies in the magistracy at Sydney, where they both reside, may occur. ( HRNSW Vol. 7, pp. 356-7)
Macquarie's policy on emancipists was not universally accepted. Following the death of Andrew Thompson, John Macarthur wrote to his wife, Elizabeth, on 21st April, 1811, stating:
I see I have omitted to notice the death of Thompson - I wonder that I did, for I think it an earnest of the interposition of Providence to save the Colony from utter ruin - Never was there a more artful or greater Knave- How - How could Governor and Mrs. Macquarie be imposed upon as they have been? I think the last stroke of leaving the Governor part of his property is by far the deepest ever attempted, whether I view it as an act done in contemplation of Death, or in expectation of raising himself to higher favour should he live. (Early Records of the Macathurs of Camden. p. 219-220)
Macquarie also acted early to reduce the number of institutions licensed to sell spirits and wines. There were to be six such establishments in the Hawkesbury, compared with twenty in Sydney and three in Parramatta. In addition, Half-way Houses between Sydney and Parramatta, and between Sydney and the Hawkesbury were permitted. The Government and General Order stated:
GOVERNMENT AND GENERAL ORDER.
Government House, Sydney
Friday, 16th February, 1810.The very great and unnecessary number of licensed houses for retailing wine and spiritous liquors that have hitherto been allowed to exist in the town of Sydney and adjacent districts cannot fail of being productive of the most mischievous and baneful effects on the morals and industry of the lower part of the community, and must inevitably lead to a profligacy of manners, dissipation, and idleness.
In view, therefore, to check these evils, as well as in the hope of its awakening sentiments of morality and a spirit of industry among the lower orders of people, His Excellency the Governor has deemed it his indispensible duty to make a reduction in the number of licensed houses for retailing spirits, &c, and no more than the following numbers in the towns and adjacent districts will be hereafter allowed on any account whatsoever, namely: Twenty houses in the town of Sydney, one at the Half-way House on the road between Sydney and Parramatta, three in the town of Parramatta, one at the Half-way House between Sydney and Hawkesbury, and six at Hawkesbury and adjacent districts.
As the Governor conceives the foregoing number to be fully sufficient for the use and convenience of the public, he is resolved to punish most severely any one presuming to sell spiritous liquors or wines without a regular license.
Any person, therefore, retailing, or attempting to retail, wines or spiritous liquors without a license, after the promulgation of this Order, will be fined in the sum of twenty pounds sterling, besides forfeiting the whole stock of wines or liquors found in their possession - half of which wines and liquors to go to the informer, and the other half to the Crown.
Those persons who have now got licenses, having paid a tax of twenty pounds to Government for a renewal of them, and found besides two respectable inhabitants to go security for their good behaviour and keeping orderly houses, the Governor indulges a hope they will not forfeit them by any improper or irregular conduct, and that they will not abuse the recommendations sent in to him in their behalf... (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 7, pp. 289-90)
Macquarie toured the outer settlements in late 1810.
Having received an Address from the Hawkesbury settlers congratulating him on the appointment of William Cox as magistrate, Macquarie wrote to Thomas Arndell on 5th December, 1810, informing him of his intention to establish four towns, stating "I have fixed on ground for four different townships for the accommodation of the settlers who have suffered so severely by the floods of the river". (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 7, p. 465)
On 6th December, 1810, the next day, Macquarie proclaimed the five towns of Windsor (formerly known as Green Hills), Richmond, Pitt Town, Wilberforce and Castlereagh. In his journal, Macquarie recorded;
After dinner I christened the new townships, drinking a bumper to the success of each. I gave the name of Windsor to the town intended to be erected in the district of the Green Hills, in continuation of the present village, from the similarity of this situation to that of the same name in England: the township in the Richmond District I have named Richmond from its beautiful situation and as corresponding with that of its district; the township for the Evan or Nepean District I have named Castlereagh in honour of Lord Viscount Castlereagh; the township of the Nelson District I have named Pitt-Town in honour of the immortal memory of the late great William Pitt, the Minister who originally planned this Colony; and the township for the Phillip District, on the north or left bank of the Hawkesbury, I have named Wilberforce in honour and out of respect to the good and virtuous Wm. Wilberforce Esqr. M.P. a true patriot and the real friend of mankind.
M.H. Ellis, in his biography of Lachlan Macquarie, commented that five towns had thus been added to a continent which previously possessed only three. (Liverpool had been proclaimed as a town by Macquarie on 6th November, 1810.)
The towns were established on high ground to provide flood-free residences for the flood-prone district, as stated in the Government and General Order of 15th December, 1810:
...The frequent Innundations of the Rivers Hawkesbury and Nepean having been hitherto attended with the most calamitous effects with regard to the crops growing in their vicinity, and of consequence of most serious injury to the necessary subsistence of the colony, the Governor has deemed it expedient (in order to guard as far as human foresight can extend against the recurrence of such calamities) to erect certain townships on the most contiguous and eligible high grounds in the several districts subjected to those inundations for the purpose of rendering every possible accommodation and security to the settlers whose farms are exposed to the floods. In pursuance of this plan, he has already fixed on the most eligible situations within the several districts bordering on those rivers, and marked out on the several commons where the townships are to be established, and each settler will be assigned an allotment of ground for a dwelling-house, offices, garden, corn-yard and stock-yard proportioned to the extent of the farm which he holds within the influence of the floods; but it is to be clearly understood that the allotments so given, being intended as places of security for the produce of the lands on the banks of the Hawkesbury and Nepean, cannot be sold or alienated in any manner whatever, but with the farms to which they are from the commencement to be annexed, and they are to be always considered as forming an inseparable part of the said farm.
The Governor has accordingly marked out five separate townships, namely, one for the districts of the Green Hills, which he has called Windsor; one for Richmond Hills district, to be called Richmond; one for the Nelson district, to be called Pitt Town; one for the Phillip district to be called Wilberforce; and one for the Nepean, or Evan district, to be called Castlereagh. Directions are already given to the several constables within those districts immediately to ascertain and to make a return of the names of all those settlers whose farms are subject to be flooded, together with the number of their respective families, extent of their farms, and the number of their flocks and herds.
Said report on return is, in the first instance, to be made to W'm Cox, Esq'r., principal magistrate at the Hawkesbury, and agreeably to a form already prescribed, from whom it will be transmitted to His Excellency, who will thereupon instruct his acting surveyor to mark out the several allotments so as to enable the settlers to commence with the least possible delay the business of erecting houses and removing thither. The dwelling houses are to be either made of brick or weatherboarded, to have brick chimnies (sic) and shingled roofs, and no dwelling house is to be less than nine feet high. A plan of the dwelling house and offices will be left with each district constable, to which each settler must conform in the erecting of his building... (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 7, pp. 468-71)
These regulations were further clarified in the Government and General Order of 11th May, 1811:
GOVERNMENT AND GENERAL ORDER.
Government House, Sydney, Saturday, 11th May, 1811.
The respective burial grounds which were some time since marked out for the accommodation of the settlers in the several townships of Liverpool, Windsor, Richmond, Pitt Town, Castlereagh, and Wilberforce having been lately been consecrated by the Principal Chaplain, His Excellency the Governor is pleased to give this public notice thereof; and at the same time directs and commands that in future all settlers and other residents within those townships, or in their respective vicinities, shall cease to bury their dead as theretofore within their respective farms, and shall in a decent and becoming manner inter them in the consecrated grounds now assigned for that purpose in those respective townships.
It is further ordered that when a death shall happen, notice of the event shall immediately be given to the constable of the district wherein it has occurred; and the constable receiving such information is hereby directed to communicate the same with the least possible delay to the nearest resident chaplain, in order that he may attend and perform the funeral service. Any neglect of these orders will be severely punished...
The education and instruction of the youth of both sexes being an object of the utmost importance, as laying the foundation of many advantages to the rising generations...His Excellency exhorts all those residing within the foregoing districts to enter cheerfully and liberally into a subscription for the erecting of school-houses within their respective districts, and in that respect follow up the very laudable example already set before them by the inhabitants of the townships of Liverpool and Richmond...His Excellency is also pleased to say that, in furtherance of these highly necessary establishments, he will make a donation of twenty-five pounds sterling on the part of the Government, for the erection of a good and substantial school-house in each township.
....The towns of Parramatta and Windsor having been laid out and arranged into regular streets, His Excellency hereby orders and directs that no person shall presume to build any house within those towns, without previously submitting a plan of such house and out-houses, or offices, as he may be disposed to build, to the magistrate resident in those towns, who will be furnished by His Excellency with suitable instructions on that head; and His Excellency gives this public notice, that no town leases will be granted in either of those places until he is furnished with and approves of the plan of such houses and offices as may be proposed to be built. (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 7, pp. 530-532)
It should be noted that, according to this Government and General Order, in contrast to that of 15th December, 1810, building application requirements applied only to Parramatta and Windsor. Unlike the regulations regarding burials and education, they did not apply to the four other Macquarie towns in the Hawkesbury or to Liverpool.
The decision to create five towns in close proximity to each other has had long-lasting implications for the Hawkesbury. It has resulted to some extent in the duplication of services and of retail /commercial areas. It is easy to criticise with the benefit of hindsight, but perhaps the best reason for studying history is to learn from the mistakes of the past. It is therefore a worthwhile exercise to ask why Macquarie felt it necessary to create more towns in the Hawkesbury than existed in the rest of the colony at the time? Why was the town of Richmond placed on the opposite side of the river to Richmond Hill? Did Macquarie's tour of the "Kurry-Jung Brush" as described in his Journal for 1st December, 1810, convince him that there was little benefit in establishing two towns on the western side of the Hawkesbury? Should Windsor and Richmond have been amalgamated into only one town? (It should be remembered that there was only one Common serving what would become the two towns.) Was Macquarie influenced by his inheritance from the estate of the late Andrew Thompson? In particular, was the decision to situate the town of Castlereagh, in the district of Nepean, close to Richmond (instead of at or near the present location of Penrith) influenced by the large holdings of the Thompson estate at nearby Agnes Banks? (Thompson had died on 23rd October, 1810, and Macquarie was aware of the terms of the will at the time of his decision to proclaim the Five Macquarie Towns and several of the buildings from Thompson's estate were subsequently acquired for the Government.)
Part of the answer can be found in the frequency with which the Hawkesbury River floods. Macquarie's purpose in creating the towns was to provide high ground for the strong-willed and independently-minded farmers, who were unlikely to comply with his wishes if the townships were too far from their farms. A town was therefore created in each of the districts of the Hawkesbury ; Windsor in the district of Green Hills, Richmond in the district of Richmond, Castlereagh in the district of Evans or Nepean, Pitt Town in the Nelson District and Wilberforce in the district of Phillip.
The increasing significance of the Hawkesbury in the affairs of the colony was probably also a factor in Macquarie's decision to create five towns. By 1810, the Hawkesbury's population had exceeded that of Parramatta, which was basically rural and declining in population. The population of the Hawkesbury would remain above that of Parramatta throughout the period of Macquarie's rule, and beyond.
A month later Macquarie returned to set out the towns, marking out streets and sites for a public square, church, school and a burial ground in each. The public square in Windsor was named Thompson Square in honour of Andrew Thompson, who had died of tuberculosis contacted after exposure to the elements during numerous rescues performed in the great flood of 1809. Macquarie recorded in his journal;
Thursday 10th Jany. ...Having thus marked out the township of Castlereagh, we next proceeded to that of Richmond; and having again minutely examined the ground there, the scite of the church, school-house and burying ground were marked out by strong posts put into the ground by the Surveyor....The great square in the centre of the township and the principal streets were also marked out in the same manner by the Surveyor. ...
Friday 11th Jany. 1811... I crossed the river in a boat.. rode through the Phillip District to survey the scite for the township...and having finally fixed upon the proper ground, and the great square, burying ground, and the principal streets being marked out by the Surveyor... I then recrossed the river to Blighton...to explore the ground marked out for the township of Pitt-Town in the District of Nelson. This ground is not so good or so conveniently situated for the settlers in general, it not being less than three and a half miles from some few of the front farms...
Saturday 12th Jany. 1811. After breakfast this morning I rode out attended by the two surveyors, the Revd. Mr. Cartwright, Mr. Cox, and some other gentlemen to survey more particularly the ground marked out for the town and township of Windsor, which having finally fixed on and approved of, a strong post with the board on which is painted the name of the town (Windsor) was this forenoon erected on the scite of the intended new church, fronting the north face of the great square; a great number of the settlers and inhabitants being present when the post was erected.
...After returning from marking out the Glebe, I walked over the whole of the present village of the Green Hills, forming the beginning or the basis of the town of Windsor, in which I planned a square and several new streets; directing the old ones to be enlarged and improved in various respects, and at [the] same time marking several new allotments in the town for building new houses according to a prescribed plan not to be deviated from. I gave Mr. Fitzgerald a large allotment in the square on the expressed condition of his building immediately thereon a handsome commodious inn of brick or stone and to be at least two stories high. the principal street in the present town of Windsor, running in a westerly direction from Government Garden or Domain towards the new township, I have called George Street... and which from street from the present square to the new intended one in the township, will be nearly an English mile long. The square in the present town I have named Thompson Square in honour of the memory of the good and worthy late Andrew Thompson Esqr. Justice of Peace &Principal Magistrate for this district, and who may justly be said to be the father and founder of the village hitherto known by the name of the Green Hills...
It should be noted that Andrew Thompson had been the first to be buried in the new burial ground in the Green Hills, in October, 1810. The location of the burial ground had been determined prior to Macquarie's proclamation of the town of Windsor.
It should also be noted that a map of Mr. White's Survey of Richmond dated 1827 shows the square as a "Govt. Reserve for Market Place".
Macquarie subsequently found it necessary to relocate the site selected for Pitt Town, the original position being "inconveniently situated for the Benefit of the Settlers on the Front line of Farms". A Government Public Notice placed in the Sydney Gazette of 28th October, 1815, and dated three days earlier, stated that the farm of James Richards had been purchased at Government expense and that those settlers whose farms were subject to flooding were to gather on 10th November to witness the subdivision of the township and for allocation of their allotments. It was also stated that they were required to build their homes immediately. The notice is reproduced below:
SYDNEY GAZETTE
28th October, 1815
GOVERNMENT PUBLIC NOTICESecretary's Office, Sydney
25th October, 1815.The Ground which was originally intended by His Excellency the Governor for the Site of the Township of Pitt Town, having upon a further Examination appeared to be inconveniently situated for the Benefit of the Settlers on the Front line of Farms on the River Hawkesbury within the Township, Notice is hereby given, that the said Site is relinquished; and that His Excellency has, at the Expense of the Government, caused a Farm formerly belonging to James Richards to be purchased for the Purpose of being made the Site of the intended Township of Pitt Town. - This farm is situated within one Mile of the River Hawkesbury, and adjoining the Bardo narang Lagoon and affords a safe Retreat for those Settlers whose farms are subjected to the Injury of the Floods within the District of Pitt Town, and every other Convenience which could be desired for those who are required to remove their Habitations to it.
In Consequence of this Arrangement, His Excellency has given Instructions to the Deputy Surveyor-General, to proceed to this new selected Site on Friday the 10th of the ensuing Month of November, for the purpose of dividing the said Township of Pitt Town into Convenient Allotments - And those Persons whose Farms in that Township are liable to be flooded, are hereby required to attend at the Place and Time herein mentioned to see their respective Allotments marked out. - As soon as the Surveyor shall have assigned the Allotments in Pitt Town, it is expected and required that the Settlers who shall attain them will immediately proceed to build their Dwelling Houses and Offices thereon.
By Command of His Excellency,
J. T. Campbell, Secretary.
A map of Pitt Town, dated 1815 and signed by Macquarie, shows the 'Burying Ground' on what is now the corner of Eldon and Wellesley Streets. This was replaced in 1823-24 by the new burial ground in Old Pitt Town Road.
Pitt Town had originally been located on part of Nelson Common, near the present site of Cattai. In his journal for 4th December, 1810, Macquarie stated "having rode over the Common in various directions, we at length determined upon the part of it most eligible and convenient for a township, immediately in rear of the back line of farms, and entirely out of the reach of the inundations of the river." The site selected on 6th December for the town of Wilberforce was located on Phillip Common. The site for the township of Richmond had been selected on 3rd December, Macquarie writing:
We rode over the greater part of the Common formerly marked out in the time of Govr. King for the Richmond District, and afterwards over that part of it I deemed most eligible and convenient for erecting a town and township on, and which we at length fixed on at the extremity of the Common, near Pugh's Lagoon, intending to have the church, school-house and burying-ground on a very beautiful elevated bank immediately above this fine basin of water, and within about 200 yards of it.
(Part of the land for the township of Richmond had been part of a grant to Nicholas Bayly.)
Macquarie found the Hawkesbury settlers most reluctant to comply with his intentions, as he reported to Earl Bathurst on 4th April, 1817. The Hawkesbury had again suffered the effects of severe flooding. Macquarie commented :
It was principally with a View of guarding against the fatal Effects of the Innundations of the Hawkesbury and Nepean Rivers and South Creek, that I adopted at a very early period of My Administration of this Colony, the Plan of Settling the High Ground and Forest Lands in the Interior, and the Result has fully Answered my Most Sanguine Expectations. The Colony being now always secure from Famine and even Scarcity.
On the refusal of the Hawkesbury settlers to relocate, he stated, with his frustration clearly showing :
But it is impossible not to feel extremely displeased and Indignant at their Infatuated Obstinacy in persisting to Continue to reside with their Families, Flocks, Herds, and Grain on those Spots Subject to the Floods, and from whence they have often had their prosperity swept away... and what makes their Obstinacy and Indolence in this respect still more Inexcusable is, that None of them would have to Carry their Crops above two Miles at the furthest, and in general not more than one Mile to their respective Places of Residence in the Townships....they are deaf to All my Remonstrances, and I fear they never will be prevailed on to remove from their favourite Spots and miserable Cottages on the Banks of these Rivers. As a last Effort, however, I Consider the recent awful Visitation of the Floods in February a fit Season for once more admonishing them, whilst Smarting under their late Losses and Calamities...but I shall at least have the Consolation to reflect that I have done My Utmost to save these deluded people from Ruin and Poverty. (H.R.A. vol. 9, p. 341)
It must be noted that town planners in the 1990's have similar frustrations.
Macquarie reported to Bathurst on 31st July, 1813, on his policy regarding land grants to the military :
A Custom had long prevailed here, previous to my arrival, of making large Grants to the Military Officers, their wives, and Children:- but this has ever appeared to me so subversive of Military discipline, and of that distinction which should subsist between the avocations of the Military and the Civil Inhabitants, that I have uniformly resisted the Countenance of it, except in the following three Cases. 1st to Lieutenant Colonel O'Connell, I made a Grant of Land in His Civil Capacity of Lieutenant Governor, on his marrying the daughter of Governor Bligh... (H.R.A. vol. 8, p. 4 - 5)
The grant referred to was of 2,500 acres, following the marriage to Mary Putland in May, 1810. Known as Riverston Farm, it was bound by what is now Windsor Road, Bandon Road, Eastern Creek and Garfield Road. A subsequent grant of 1,000 acres was later added on what is now the eastern side of Garfield Road. The land was leased to various tenants after O'Connells departure in 1814, when his Regiment was transferred to Ceylon. He was knighted in 1835, and returned in 1838 to take command of the military forces in the colony.
In his book Design for Convicts, James Semple Kerr states that there is little doubt that Elizabeth Macquarie provided the Neo-Palladian inspiration for the design of the Windsor gaol, which distinguished it from other gaols within the colony. Built by William Cox between 1812-13, the gaol had repairs and alterations carried out by Francis Greenway in 1819. Macquarie reported to Bathurst on 28th February, 1820, "the Jail at Windsor Considerably Enlarged".
The Windsor and Richmond Gazette of 13th March, 1936, reported the demolition of the old Windsor Gaol. (Some of the dates quoted are incorrect):
Prison authorities last week commenced the work of demolishing the historic Windsor gaol, and many valuable relics were taken to Parramatta gaol. Old cedar doors, steel doors and a quantity of ironwork have been removed to Parramatta, and will be used in the gaol there.
The prison, a quaint old brick building, with high walls covered on the top with broken glass, was originally established in 1829, and added to in the (eighteen) fifties. Although still in fair repair, the building has not been used for some years. In the prison yard the old-fashioned well covered by the original large, flat, round stone is still to be seen.
The Resumed Properties Department proposes to demolish the entire building, and submit the land for sale in building blocks. Many residents deplore the demolition because the building has always been looked upon as one of Windsor's most important historical landmarks.
In the Court House opposite, which was established in 1829, when the first circuit court was held there by Mr. Justice Stephen, stands an old-fashioned iron dock, another relic of the early days of the colony. This dock is shortly to be removed. The reason for its removal is that many complaints have been received about the ignominy an offender suffers while standing in an open iron structure before the gaze of the public gallery.
A greatly improved road to Sydney, a bridge over South Creek and a toll-house were constructed. These are discussed in greater detail in the section headed "Transport".
In 1815 a "spacious and commodious inn" was constructed by Richard Fitzgerald adjoining Thompson Square and was known as the Macquarie Arms. In order to save Government the cost of providing such a structure, Macquarie had given "Mr. Fitzgerald a large allotment in the square on the expressed condition of his building immediately thereon a handsome commodious inn of brick or stone and to be at least two stories high." ( Macquarie's Journal of his Tours- 12th Jan. 1811) The Sydney Gazette of 29th July, 1815, reported:
That spacious and commodious new Inn at Windsor, called The Macquarie Arms, was opened by the GOVERNOR, on Wednesday the 26th instant, when HIS EXCELLENCY entertained at dinner the Magistrates and other principal Gentlemen residing at Windsor, and in that neighbourhood. Mr. Ransom, who has taken on himself the duties of Innkeeper, is, from his experience in the avocation, thoroughly competent to the undertaking, which we are convinced will be conducted on a liberal footing. Its necessity has long been manifest as there was no house of public reception at Windsor capable of accommodating large and genteel companies, whereas the Macquarie Arms from its extent, plan of building, and adequate number of apartments will be doubtless found worthy of the most liberal patronage and support.
A new military barracks was commenced in July, 1817, and finished in June, 1818. (for details see the archeological report - Windsor Barracks - the Guardhouse. Kate Holmes) A convict barracks was constructed in Macquarie Street, Windsor, in 1820. Macquarie reported to Earl Bathurst, on 28th February, 1820:
I have the Honor to report to Your Lordship that the following Public Buildings are now in progress, Namely, ...Artifacts from the archeological study on the Military Barracks Guardhouse are on display in Hawkesbury Museum.
9. A Church at Windsor.
10. A Male Convict Barrack at do.
...The following Government Public Buildings and works have been Completed since the date of my last Dispatch, Namely,
6. The Jail at Windsor Considerably Enlarged.
7. A New Military Barrack for 50 Men at Windsor. (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 10, p.281)
Macquarie wrote to Earl Bathurst on 7th February, 1821, recommending the construction of a new hospital at Windsor, stating:
A convenient Situation for this Building might be somewhat beyond the Town of Windsor on the Road to Richmond.It might consist of Two Stories, the floor of the lower Storey having an Elevation of two feet above Ground, with the rooms or Wards 36 feet in length by 20 in breadth; Two Doors might communicate, and at the Ends of each room, with a Passage of 6 feet, separating the front Wards from a similar range behind, dividing by an Iron grating the Male and Female Wards, with Separate Doors to two of the Wards below, for Female Patients at the two ends of the Passage, and leaving the remaining two rooms on the lower Storey and the whole of those in the upper for the reception of Males.
A Staircase and Corridor leading to the Baths and Water Closets, and further to Kitchens, Wash-Houses and Dispensary, might retire from the Centre of the back front of the Building with a Division in the Middle for the purpose of completing the separation of the Male and female Patients. (HRA Ser. 1, Vol. 10, p. 383)
This building was never constructed. Instead, in 1823, after Macquarie's departure from the colony, the convict barrack at Windsor was converted into a convict hospital. The building still stands, forming the main walls of the (present) old Hawkesbury Hospital.
John Howe and James McGrath were contracted to build a new wharf, make a slope from the wharf to the Government Stores, fill Thompson Square and make a sewer for drainage of the square. A contract dated 8th August, 1814,contained the words:
To Sink and Erect one Sewer in the middle of the Square with channels leading thereto or to Sink and Erect two sewers one on each side of the Square as laid down in the Plan in the possession of his Excellency Governor Macquarie.
[An archeological study undertaken by Edward Higginbotham for Hawkesbury Shire Council in April, 1985, identified brickwork in Thompson Square as being part of a brick barrel drain, similar to one excavated in Parramatta, the latter having been constructed in the 1820's. This is discussed in greater detail later.]
Macquarie engaged Francis Greenway to design St. Matthews Church and the Windsor Court House, both of which are outstanding Georgian buildings. The Court House, built by William Cox, was completed in 1822. A portrait of Macquarie has hung in the building since that date. The Governor received an address from the inhabitants of the Hawkesbury district on 12th December, 1821. They stated:
It was resolved at the meeting ... to request of Governor Macquarie to sit for a half length Portrait in England to be put in the New Court House at Windsor to defray the expense of which Seventy Guineas were immediately subscribed.
The Sydney Gazette of 8th February, 1822, reported "that Mr. Reid sen. is engaged to paint the picture of Major General Macquarie intended to be placed in the Town Hall at Windsor".
However, Marjorie Wymark (Governor Macquarie and The Case for the Court-house Portrait) has strongly argued her evidence that the portrait was painted by "Scottish artist, Colvin Smith, Follower of Sir Henry Raeburn, R.A.".
Macquarie reported to Earl Bathurst, on 4th April, 1817, on his utilisation of the services of Francis Greenway as architect and on his intentions to construct Churches at Sydney, Windsor, and Liverpool:
From the want of Scientific persons to plan and Superintend the Construction of all Governm't Public Buildings, most of them have hitherto been very badly planned, and still worse executed. A man named Francis Howard Greenway, who came out here as a Convict in the Year 1814, and who was originally an Architect of some Eminence in England, having been strongly recommended to me by the late Governor Phillip, I have availed Myself of his Skill and Scientific Knowledge as a Civil Architect, and accordingly some time since employed him to Act in that Capacity, and as an Assistant to the Inspector of Public Works, for which he received 3s. per diem* from the Colonial Fund. This Man is extremely Useful, and has already rendered very essential Services to Government in his Capability of Civil Architect... ( * - 3 shillings per day)
In regard to the Public Buildings still required at Sydney and in other parts of the Colony... A Church at Sydney, another at Windsor, and a third at Liverpool (both of these last Towns becoming very populous) are very much wanted, and these I shall Contract for Immediately, paying the Expence of Erecting them out of the Colonial Funds. As soon as those three Churches are built and paid for, I intend to have a new Factory and Barrack erected at Parramatta for the female Convicts, and such a Building is particularly Necessary for keeping those depraved Females at Work within Walls, so as in some degree to be a Check upon their Immoralities and disorderly Vicious Habits. (HRA Ser. 1, Vol. 9, p. 353)
Tenders for the construction of St. Matthews, Windsor, were advertised in the Sydney Gazette of 17th August, 1816:
GOVERNMENT PUBLIC NOTICE
A CHURCH being intended to be Erected in the New Town of Windsor, Persons disposed to CONTRACT for the same, will send in Tenders at the Office of the ACTING ENGINEER; where a Plan of the Building may be seen any Day after Monday 26th Instant - The Tenders must specify the lowest Terms on which the Contractor will undertake to erect the said Building, and the Time required for compleating it. - Unquestionable Security will be required to be given by the Contractor. No Tenders will be received after Monday the 9th of September next; on which Day they will be opened.
By Command of His Excellency,
The Governor,
JOHN GILL, Captain 46th Regt. Acting Engineer.
Sydney, 17th August, 1816.
Macquarie, on 6th June, 1817, approved a contract submitted by Henry Kitchen, to design and build a two-storied building at a cost of 2,200 pounds.
Joseph Harpur, Parish Clerk, wrote of the laying of the foundation stone on 11th October, 1817:
A little after sunset on Saturday, 11th day of October, 1817, the corner stone of St. Matthew's Church was laid by Governor Macquarie, and after depositing the rim of a Spanish dollar, with the circular bit struck out of the middle (the currency of the colony) which pass for six shillings and three-pence sterling, His Excellency, in a very impressive tone of voice, said, 'God prosper St. Matthew's Church', gently striking the stone three times with a mason's mallet; the same ceremony was performed severally by the whole of the gentlemen who accompanied His Excellency from Government House to the spot. Through indisposition, owing, it was said, to the unusual heat of the weather at this time of year, the Resident Chaplain, the Reverend Robert Cartwright, was not present.
later added:
The corner stone having been removed, and the money stolen early in the evening in which it was deposited by the Governor, this evening, about the same time, the corner stone was re-laid by His Excellency and a dollar deposited underneath by Reverend Robert Cartwright.
A third entry in the Parish Register continued the tale:
November, 1817.- The dollar deposited under the corner-stone of St, Matthew's Church by the Reverend Mr. Robert Cartwright was again stolen a few nights afterwards. This infamous species of theft could not have been practiced only through the neglect of the contract builder not having prepared materials to immediately work over the stone. It is supposed that the corner stone was thrown down each time and the money stolen by some of the indigent convicts employed at the Public Works in the town of Windsor. (The Cathedral of the Hawkesbury by W.F. Carter)
Whilst the original architect was Henry Kitchen, his work was condemned by Greenway. Work progressed slowly and, in 1818, because of alleged poor workmanship, the building was demolished and begun again. The Church was consecrated on 18th December, 1822, the Parish Clerk noting:
December 18th, 1822.- This day the new church of St. Matthew's was consecrated and opened for Divine worship by the Reverend Samuel Marsden, Principal Chaplain of the Territory, assisted by the Rev. Messrs. Cross, Resident Chaplain, Cartwright, and Hassall. After the sermon the Holy Sacrament was administered to a goodly company from various parts of the colony...
The bricks from Kitchen's original building were used to construct a wall alongside the Macquarie Arms Inn. This wall still stands.
The architect of the nearby Rectory is uncertain. The Australian Almanac and General Directory of 1835, in referring to Francis Greenway, states "Plans were also furnished for a church and parsonage-house, a court house, a barrack, a store, and many other improvements, several of which have since been carried into effect." This clearly indicates that Greenway drew up plans for a Rectory at Windsor, but there can be no certainty, at this stage, that these were the plans used. Philip Cox and Clive Lucas, in their book "Australian Colonial Architecture", report that amongst the surviving drawings by Kitchen is a plan of a stable, addressed to William Cox. As the design is quite similar to the stable at St. Matthew's Rectory, which was built by Cox, they suggest that Kitchen could have designed the Windsor Rectory.
Further evidence of Greenway's involvement is found in a letter to Greenway from Commissioner Bigge, dated 24th September, 1820 (H.R.A. Series 1, vol. 11, pp381-4):
In conformity to the request of Governor Macquarie...I now transmit to you a List of the Public Buildings, that appear to me to be most required in the Colony...
A Chaplain's House at Windsor.
To be built near the Church, and the present Chaplain's House to be converted into a Court-House...
The contract (to construct the Rectory) with William Cox was signed in 1822 and the building completed in 1825.
On 25th April, 1812, a punt operated by Michael Nowland, commenced operation between Pitt Town and Wilberforce.
An advertisement appeared in the Sydney Gazette of 2nd January, 1823, as follows :
A punt is now completed for the conveyance of passengers, cattle, etc., from James Davidson's Wharf to the opposite side, where every attention will be given at the Same Rate as the Ferry at Windsor.Pitt Town, December 30,1822.
[The operation of a ferry between Pitt Town and Wilberforce, which continued until June, 1921, resulted, to some extent, in the two towns sharing facilities. There was a joint Anglican Parish until 1936. St. James' Church at Pitt Town and St. John's at Wilberforce are of a highly similar design. They were consecrated a day apart. (St. James' on 11th April, 1859, and St. John's the next day.) The Rectory was located at Pitt Town. Similarly, the Uniting Churches at Pitt Town and Ebenezer are still part of the same Parish, with the Manse for both being at Pitt Town. A watch house or lock up was constructed at Wilberforce. On the same site a brick Police Station was erected in 1883. There was no similar facility at Pitt Town.]
Macquarie is remembered for both his town planning and his building programme. A full list of his building programme is contained in the Historical Records of Australia (series 1, vol. 10, pages 670-701), in a despatch to Earl Bathurst, dated 27th July, 1822. The despatch also explains the reason behind some of his policies.
2. I found the Colony barely emerging from infantile imbecility, and suffering from various privations and disabilities; the Country impenetrable beyond 40 miles from Sydney; Agriculture in a yet languishing state; commerce in its early dawn; Revenue unknown; the public buildings in a state of dilapidation and mouldering to decay; the few Roads and Bridges, formerly constructed, rendered almost impassable; the population in general depressed by poverty; no public credit nor private confidence; the morals of the great mass of the population in the lowest state of debasement, and the religious worship almost totally neglected.
3. Part of these Evils may perhaps be ascribed to the Mutiny of the 102d Regiment, the arrest of Governor Bligh, and the distress occasioned to the Settlers of the Hawkesbury and Nepean Rivers, from whose banks the Colony was at the time supplied with Wheat.
5. One of my first acts was to relieve the Colony from the horrors of impending famine, the quantity of Wheat then in Store being less than a hundred Bushels. Its immediate wants were promptly supplied by me authorizing the purchase of a Cargo of Wheat from Bengal, which providentially arrived at that time...
6. To avert the recurrence of similar effects from similar causes, I ordered large tracts of land on high grounds, and out of the reach of floods, to be forthwith cultivated with Wheat and Maize Crops. And as further inducement to those Settlers living on the Banks of the Hawkesbury and Nepean Rivers, to which those, whose farms were subject to floods, might occasionally retire with their cattle and grain, and where they might build their Dwelling-houses and Barns, etc., in safety. ...
7. My next object of attention was the general amelioration of the Colony and the improvement and reformation of the manners and morals of the Inhabitants. To reward merit, encourage virtue, and punish vice, wherever I found them, without regard to rank, class or description of persons, be they free people or convicts, appeared to me unerring principles in prosecuting this desirable end.
8. Finding, on my arrival, many persons free, who had come out originally as Convicts, and sustaining unblemished characters since their emancipation, but treated with rudeness, contumely, and even oppressed, as far as circumstances permitted, by those who had come out free and viewed with illiberal jealousy the honest endeavours of the others to attain and support a respectable station in Society. I determined to counteract this envious disposition in one Class, by admitting, in my demeanour and occasional marks of favour to both, no distinction where their merits, pretensions, and capabilities were equal. I consider this as the first step towards a general reformation of the manners and habits of the motley part of the population of New South Wales, as it then existed; and I am happy to add that twelve years experience of its effects has fully justified my most sanguine anticipations.
9. ...I recommended, in the most impressive manner, a diligent attendance at Divine Worship on Sundays, and that Marriage should take the place of and supersede the disgraceful and immoral state of Concubinage, which I found generally prevailing on my arrival in the Colony...,br> 10. For the benefit of the rising generation and the youth of the Colony, I established additional Schools at Sydney, and in all the principal Districts in the interior of the Colony.
11. The decayed and dilapidated state of all the public Buildings, both at Sydney and the subordinate Settlements, and the State of the public roads and Bridges throughout the Colony also claimed my early attention; but the resources then under my controul were very inadequate to repairs and improvements of that nature. My plans were circumscribed and my progress retarded accordingly.
12. At that time, there was no Colonial Funds to defray the expense of constructing such works, and there was then very few Colonial Artificers or Labourers in the Colony. I was therefore under the necessity of getting some of these works by contracting with private individuals. The first public roads and Bridges, constructed in the Colony, and also the Colonial General Hospital and a few other public Buildings, were of this description. But, since the existence of a Colonial Revenue, and after so great an increase of Convict Artifacers and Labourers as has taken place in the last seven years, all the Public Buildings in the Colony (with very few exceptions) have been erected by the Government Artifacers and Labourers, as have also all the roads and Bridges.
14. ...Statement of population, &c., in March, on the first general Muster and Survey , after my arrival in the Colony. Population, including the 73d and 102d Regiments.............. 11,590 Horned Cattle.................................................................... 12,442 Sheep................................................................................ 25,888 Hogs.................................................................................. 9,544 Horses................................................................................. 1,134 Acres of Land cleared and in tillage under various crops......... 7,615 & And in October, 1821, on the last general Muster and Survey before my departure. Population, including the Military.......................................... 38,778 Horned Cattle..................................................................... 102,939 Sheep.................................................................................. 290,158 Hogs................................................................................... 33,906 4,564 Acres of Land cleared and in Tillage under various crops........ 32,267
15. Trade and Manufactures have not increased in the same ratio as Agriculture and Grazing; but a very considerable Trade has been carried on for some years past...and some useful branches of Manufactures have been established at Sydney, namely Woolen-Cloth (sic) and Linen, Hats, Boots and Shoes, Tanning of Leather, Stockings and Common Pottery. But now that Vessels of small Burthen are permitted to trade direct between England and New South Wales, and that Distillation of Spirits is to be allowed in the Colony, both Trade and Manufactures will increase rapidly; and this Colony will, at no very distant period, vie in trade and opulence with many others in His Majesty's Dominions.
16. On my taking the Command of the Colony in the Year 1810, the amount of Port Duties did not exceed Eight thousand pounds p. annum, and there were only Fifty or Sixty pounds of Balance in the Treasurer's hands. But now Duties are collected at Port Jackson to the amount of from Twenty eight to Thirty Thousand pounds per annum. In addition to this Annual Colonial Revenue, there are Port Duties collected at Hobart-Town and George Town in Van Dieman's Land, to the amount of between Eight and Ten thousand pounds per annum.
18. ...I therefore, after mature deliberation and consultation with the best informed persons in the Colony, determined on forming and establishing a Colonial Bank* in the year 1817, granting a Charter under certain limitations and restrictions. (* The Bank of New South Wales)
20. Considering the poor Black Natives or Aborigines of the Colony entitled to the peculiar protection of the British Government, on account of their being driven from the Sea Coast by our settling thereon, and subsequently occupying their best Hunting Grounds in the Interior, I deemed it an act of justice, as well as of Humanity, to make at least an attempt to ameliorate their conditions and to endeavour to civilize them in as far as their wandering habits would admit of.
21. With this in view, I called a general meeting or Congress of the Natives inhabiting the Country lying between the Blue Mountains and Port Jackson. This Meeting took place at the Town of Parramatta on the 28th of December, 1814, when several propositions were made to the Natives in respect to their discontinuing their present wanderings predatory habits and becoming Regular Settlers...
23. Many of the Natives agreed to take Lands and settle permanently on them, and they all seemed highly pleased with the idea of sending their children to school. It was therefore determined to establish and open the Native Institution for Educating and Civilizing the Children of Aborigines on the 18th of the ensuing Month of January...
25. I limited the number of children to be received into the Institution to Twenty four, as the expence of maintaining a greater number at one time would be very considerable...
32. The great number of Paupers, aged, infirm, and old Men and Women, many of whom are both lame and blind, and without any permanent provision, unavoidably entailed on Government a very heavy expence in victualling the greater part of them from the King's Store; but, being houseless as well as pennyless, they still went about begging and often sleeping out at nights in the open air. I was therefore induced to have a comfortable House and Offices erected at the expence of Government, as an Asylum for those unfortunate persons, the Government now only victualling from the Store such as came out originally as Convicts...
35. I accordingly employed numerous Gangs of them (convicts) in all parts of the Colony in repairing the old Public Roads and Bridges, and in constructing new ones. I also established a Government Agricultural Farm at 'Emu Plains', one of the richest and most fertile tracts of Land in the whole Colony, appointing Mr. Richard Fitzgerald to be Superintendant and Inspector of Government Agriculture...
53. They have further, as I understand, had the audacity to insinuate that I increased my fortune by improper means, while in the Administration of New South Wales. This I assert, on my honour, to be a falsehood, which prepared as I was for their hostility, I little expected the most depraved and malignant of my enemies would have hazarded...It should be noted that Governor Macquarie lists several purchases at Windsor "from the Executors of the late Mr. Andrew Thompson". At the time of his death, Thompson's estate was estimated to be worth twenty thousand Pounds. Governor Macquarie was to receive one quarter of the value of the estate. (A detailed account by J.V. Byrnes can be found in the J.R.A.H.S. Vol. 48, Pt. 2, pp. 105-141 and Pt. 3, pp.161-207.)
Governor Macquarie commissioned many public works at Windsor. The architect for many of these was Francis Greenway. The Australian Almanac and General Directory 1835 (p. 227) states:
When the Wharf at Windsor, built by contract, by Mr. James Howe was washed away, and Howe's bridge (over South Creek) in danger from the same cause, Mr. Greenway was directed by the Governor to survey the place, and to furnish the plan of a wharf on a more secure principle, and also a plan whereby the bridge might be secured. The new wharf was built; and though not by any means on so efficient a plan as the one proposed, yet it has since stood the effects of some of the greatest floods that have happened in that part of the country. The Government, however, neglected to secure the bridge according to the architects instructions, and the result has been that it was carried away by a flood. Plans were also furnished for a church and parsonage-house, a court house, a barrack, a store, and many other improvements, several of which have since been carried into effect. Many of the windings of the rivers were also surveyed, and places suggested where communications by bridges and other communications might be made, to afford greater security, and to prevent the effects of future inundations by floods. Mr. Greenway's various duties would not allow him time to survey the windings of the River Hawkesbury towards the sea, so as to give a positive opinion as to its capability for improvement.
Macquarie entered into contracts to build a bridge over South Creek, a road to Sydney and a wharf at Thompson Square. The wharf contract included the making of a slope from the wharf to the Government Stores, the filling of Thompson Square , and a sewer for drainage of the centre of the square. Part of the sewer was uncovered during roadwork to realign Bridge Street during the 1930's and this helped promote the local legend that it was a smugglers' tunnel running from the Maccquarie Arms to the wharf.
Copies of the contracts are held in the Mitchell Library. They are dated 8th August, 1814, (M.L. MSS 106, article 37), and 24th April, 1815, (M.L. MSS 106, article 88). The first contract contains the words:
To Sink and Erect one Sewer in the middle of the Square with channels leading thereto or to Sink and Erect two sewers one on each side of the Square as laid down in the Plan in the possession of his Excellency Governor Macquarie.
Both contracts were signed by John Howe and James McGrath. Payment for the first contract was to be 350 Pounds and 350 gallons of Bengal rum, and 600 Pounds for the second contract.
The contractors were permitted to make between 120,000 and 150,000 bricks at the new Government brickfields at Windsor.
Payments were made from the Police Fund for 100 Pounds for the quarter ending 30-9-1814, 75 Pounds for the quarter ending 31-12-1814, and 100 Pounds for the quarter ending 30-6-1815. The first payment of the second contract was made from the Police Fund for the quarter ending for the amount of 200 Pounds.
On 14th November, 1816,Governor Macquarie wrote:
In consideration of the greater part of the Govt. Quay or Wharf already erected by the contractors having been carried away or destroyed by the late Floods of the Hawkesbury, I have this day agreed on an estimate made out and submitted to me by Mr. Greenway the Govt. Civil Architect of the additional Expense of repairing and Completing the same in solid and durable material (agreeably to a Plan thereof made out by Mr. Greenway), to allow and pay unto Messrs. Howe and McGrath the additional sum of Two Hundred and Twenty (including Twenty Pounds for Mr. Greenway's trouble in planning and directing the Work) Pounds Sterling; allowing them also for payment such Iron and Spike Nails from the stores as can be spared - with a carpenter and Pair of Sawyers off the store; the Contractors now engaging to complete the said Quay or Wharf in Eight months from this date. (A773, p. 64, Mitchell Library)
Howe was required to make good the damage caused by the flood. Works were completed by 1820.
Payment of 150 Pounds was made from the Police Fund for the quarter ending 31-12-1816. Final payment was not received until the quarter ending 31-3-1820 for the sum of 316 Pounds 10s.
The wharf constructed by Howe and McGrath replaced the wharf which had been constructed by February, 1795, and referred to by David Collins in An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales (pages 340 and 348) as "the store-wharf".
Howe's wharf was used well into the Twentieth Century and can be clearly seen on a number of photographs taken in the latter part of the Nineteenth Century.
The present Windsor wharf was constructed during the 1980's. Remnants of the old wharf still exist and were examined during an archeological investigation of Thompson Square undertaken by Edward Higginbotham.
Brickwork was discovered under the old Boat Club building in Thompson Square in April, 1985. An archeologist, Edward Higginbotham, was commissioned by Hawkesbury Shire Council to investigate the site. Mr Higginbotham advised that the structure located was a brick barrel drain, dated c.1815, similar to one recently excavated at Parramatta. Mr Higginbotham was referring to the brick barrel drain excavated by himself in June, 1981 (Australian Journal of Historical Archeology. Vol. 1, January 1983, page 35-39). The Parramatta drain had been constructed in the 1820's during the Governorship of Macquarie for the purpose of disposing of stormwater rather than sewerage. The Windsor sewer / drain, as can be verified by the contracts and dates of payment, clearly predates it.
Of the Parramatta drain Mr. Higginbotham has stated:
Along its whole course the drain was constructed of a cylinder of brickwork, two courses of c.200mm brick, with an internal diameter ranging from 1200 to 1300mm. The courses of sandstock brick, bonded with lime mortar, were laid parallel with the length of the drain, the sides of the bricks facing the interior of the cylinder. (Australian Journal of Historical Archeology. Vol. 1, 1983, p. 36) A sewer was defined in the time of Macquarie as "A drain or passage to convey off water and filth under ground; a subterranean canal, particularly in cities."
Factors of importance in selecting sites for settlement included both ease of access and a source of water, both for drinking and for agriculture. It was for this reason that Parramatta, Toongabbie and the Hawkesbury were chosen. The first access to Sydney was by river, and river boats continued to provide a relatively cheap and easy method of moving produce until the establishment of the railway in 1864.
Grose reported to Dundas on 31st August, 1794, (H.R.A. series 1- vol.1-p.483) :
I have caused a very good road to be made from Sydney to the banks of the Hawkesbury, by the which we discovered the distance from this place by land is much less than we expected. An officer who is by no means considered as being particularly active undertook for a trifling wager to walk there from Sydney in nine hours, and with great ease to himself performed a journey in eight hours and two minutes which formerly required an exertion of some days to accomplish.
This road was basically on the same route followed by Old Windsor Road and Old Hawkesbury Road.
Governor Hunter, because of the deteriorating condition of the roads, issued a Government and General Order on 11th January, 1797, stating :
The necessity of having the roads between the different settlements in this colony made easy and convenient for travelling being obvious to every inhabitant, the Governor has considered it necessary to issue the following Order for having them put in good and perfect condition as early as possible: - All officers who have farms are to furnish two men for three days in the week, to be employed on the above service; and all superintendents, storekeepers, and persons of that description, one man. Every settler is either to furnish a man or to contribute his own labor (sic) for the same time. The particular days of labor will be settled by the Justices of the Peace and surveyor, and are to be continued until the whole work is complete. There being at this time a scarcity of tools in the public stores, it is expected that the persons above-mentioned do furnish such implements as may be necessary for employing the people they send, spades excepted, a few of which Government will endeavour to provide.
The Surveyor-General will have directions to measure out the road, which is to be twenty feet wide...
The people...at Parramatta, Prospect Hill, Field of Mars, Ponds, Northern Boundaries, and the Hawkesbury are to attend to the road from Duck River to the Hawkesbury. The people from the latter place are to begin their repairs from their own neighbourhood, and to continue them for two-thirds of the way to Parramatta, and they will be directed in their work by Mr. Grimes, who will also direct those who are to be employ'd from the Parramatta side of the Duck River until they meet those from the Hawkesbury. (H.R.N.S.W. vol.3, p. 188)
Governor King reported on 28th May, 1802:
Whereas Andrew Thompson (Settler and Constable) has been at a great Expence in constructing a Floating Bridge over the South Creek, at the Hawkesbury, leading from the Parramatta Road to the Green Hills, which is of great convenience to the Settlers and Inhabitants in this Colony; and as the Subscriptions for carrying on that Work have been very inconsiderable in comparison to the expence, he has requested that a permanent Toll may be established by Authority, for Persons, &c., passing that Bridge, as may compensate him for the expence he has been at, and to enable him to keep it in repair. In consequence of that just claim, the following Toll is established, for the term of 14 years from this Date, provided he keeps the said Bridge in constant Repair (Accidents by Flood or Fire excepted), viz.: For each Foot Passenger, 4d. or 10s. per annum; For each Horse, 2s. 6d. or 2L. 10s. per annum; for every Cart or Carriage, 1s. 6d. or 1L. 10s. per annum.
...The Governor having given to Andrew Thompson the exclusive priviledge (sic) of keeping and maintaining the Bridge, and the Receipt of Tolls arising therefrom, for a space of 14 years, from this Date, any Person keeping a Passage-Boat, or using any other mode of carrying or conveying Passengers, Horses, or Carts across the South Creek, will, on conviction before two Magistrates, forfeit the sum of 5 pounds for each offence to the Proprietor of the Bridge. (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 3, p. 624)
The Sydney Gazette of 2nd April, 1803, reported "On Sunday morning last T. Biggers rode to town from Hawkesbury, a distance of more than forty miles, within the space of three hours, having left the latter place at 7 o'clock, and rather before 10 arrived safe in Pitt Row."
On 3rd July, 1803, the Sydney Gazette stated:
"We understand His Excellency during his late visit to the Out Settlements, has given directions for making a more convenient Road to Hawkesbury to Parramatta, by which the mischief occasioned to Horses and Carriages from the necessity of crossing the Seven Hills will be totally removed.
(South) Creek Bridge received material damage from some of the late lightening, which falling upon one of the ends shivered one of the planks, and the whole fabric was instantaneously immersed. The circumstance was immediately made known to Mr. Thompson, by whose prompt attention, and the exertions of a sufficient number of hands, the bridge was raised by day light the morning following, and substantially replaced." (Sydney Gazette, 8th December, 1805)
Macquarie introduced a system of tollways as a means of upgrading the road network. He listed in his 1822 report to Earl Bathurst a number of Turnpike roads (H.R.A. series 1, vol. 10, pp. 696-7), stating of these "On all the roads specified to be Turnpike Ones good brick Toll-houses (for the Toll-keepers) and strong Turnpike Gates have been erected". He also indicated that a number of substandard roads were being converted into Turnpike roads:
| 1. | A Turnpike well made road from the Town of Sydney to the Town of Parramatta. | 15 miles. |
| 2. | A Turnpike road from Parramatta to the Town of Windsor. | 20 miles. |
| 3. | A Turnpike well made road from Parramatta to "Emu Ford" on the Right Bank of the River Nepean called the "Great Western road". | 20 miles. |
| 4. | A Carriage Road (but not yet a Turnpike one) from Parramatta to the Town of Richmond, branching off at Prospect from the Great Western Road. | 15 miles. |
| 5. | A Carriage Cross Road from the Richmond Road through Toongabbee and Seven Hills to the Windsor Road. | 5 miles |
| 6. | A Turnpike well made road from Sydney to the Town of Liverpool. | 20 miles. |
| 7. | A Turnpike well made Cross road to connect the Parramatta with the Liverpool road. | 5 miles. |
| 8. | A Good Carriage well finished road (but not made a Turnpike one) from the town of Liverpool through Airds to the Cataract River in the District of Appin. | 25 miles. |
| 9. | A Carriage road (but not yet made Turnpike) from the Town of Liverpool to the Ford on the River Nepean leading to the "Cow Pastures". | 17 miles. |
| 10. | A Carriage road (but not yet Turnpike) from the Town of Liverpool to "Bringelly" on the Right Bank of the Nepean River. | 15 miles. |
| 11. | A Carriage Cross road (not yet Turnpike) to connect the Appin and "Cow Pastures" Road. | 3 miles. |
| 12. | A Carriage road (but not yet made a Turnpike one) from "Emu Plains" on the left Bank of the River Nepean across the blue Mountains to the Town of "Bathurst". | 101 miles. |
| 13. | A Well finished Carriage and Gun Road from the Town of Sydney to the Light House and Signal Post on the South Head of Port Jackson. | 7 miles. |
| 14. | A Well made Carriage and Gun road from the Town of Sydney to the nearest part of "Botany Bay". | 8 miles. |
| Total amount of number of Miles of Public Carriage Roads Constructed............................................................................... | <276 miles. |
|
Governor Macquarie had informed Viscount Castlereagh on 30th April, 1810, that the road between Sydney and the Hawkesbury was "scarcely passable", and that he had resolved to construct a Turnpike Road, with a Toll to be collected. Correspondence on this matter is reproduced below.
The Sydney Gazette of 29th June, 1811, contained the following:
Any Person willing to contract for finding Materials and building a substantial Bridge over South Creek, facing the Town of Windsor, to be 16 feet wide, level with the Banks, and about 120 feet over, including the Wharfs, to be well planked and piled, are desired to send Proposals and Plan to Captain Antill, at Government House, Sydney; or to Mr. John Howe, at Windsor, on or before 26th July next. Further details relating to the bridge over South Creek, including its construction and subsequent failures, are contained in Appendix 14.
A contract with John Howe and James McGrath was signed on 24th July, 1813, to "make the Turn Pike Road between Sydney and the New Bridge on the South Creek at Windsor" for 600 pounds sterling and 400 gallons of spirits.
As the result of injuries and traffic delays caused by accidents on the Colony's roads, Macquarie found it necessary, in 1820, to introduce a Government and General Order regulating that vehicles be driven on the left side of the road. This was published in the Sydney Gazette of 26th August, 1820:
(Note: A car was defined in the Nineteenth Century as "a small vehicle moved on wheels, usually drawn by one horse".)GOVERNMENT AND GENERAL ORDERS
Government House, Sydney.
15th August, 1820.CIVIL DEPARTMENT
Much Inconvenience and Delay, accompanied by Danger of personal Injury, arising to Persons travelling on the Highways, either on Foot or on Horseback, or with Cars, Carts, Drays, Waggons, Timber and other Carriages, owing to Horsemen and the Drivers of the said Carriages of every Description, either intentionally driving, or suffering their Cattle to cross the Road, instead of keeping them steadily on their proper Side, the GOVERNOR is pleased to order and direct, that all Persons driving Cars, Carts, Drays, Waggons, Timber and other Carriages, shall observe the same Regulations as directed in England, by keeping and driving their Carriages, of whatever description, on their own left Side, commonly called the near Side of the Road, on Pain of being fined by a Bench of Magistrates, any Sum not exceeding Ten Shillings for every such offence; one-half whereof is to go to the Person or Persons proving the Fact; and the other moiety in Aid of the Police Fund. The Constables and all other Peace Officers are hereby called on and directed to be vigilant in enforcing this Order, without Distinction of Persons, as they will answer to the Contrary at their Peril.
By His Excellency's Command.
J. T. Campbell, Secretary.
Major George Druitt, of the 48th Regiment, Chief Engineer and Inspector of Public Works, wrote to Governor Macquarie on 5th August, 1821, listing the roads that he had constructed during his administration. Included in the list was "From Parramatta to Windsor, 20 Miles with 70 bridges." Macquarie, in reporting to Earl Bathurst on 13th August noted "Major Druitt's Activity, Zeal and exertions, in accomplishing these very important Objects, have been unremitting and highly meritorious." Announcing that Major Druiit intended leaving the military to become a Settler, Macquarie recommended a "Grant of Two Thousand Acres of Land, as a remuneration for his extra Services... and that he should receive, in addition to that Grant, One Thousand Acres more in payment of his Travelling Expences..."(H.R.A. vol. 10, pp. 542-544)
Governor Macquarie to Viscount Castlereagh: 30th April, 1810.
As I conceive the making Permanent Roads and Bridges is one of the first Steps towards Improving a New Country, I have resolved on making a Turnpike Road between the Town of Sydney and the Hawkesbury - a Distance of upwards of Forty Miles. The present Road, which is scarcely intitled (sic) to the Name, is in so bad a State of Repair as to be scarcely passable; but when properly made will prove an infinite Advantage to the Country at large, as it will afford great Facility to the Farmers, Graziers, and other Inhabitants to bring their Grain, Cattle, and various other Produce to the Public Market at Sydney; the Funds to defray the Expence of making this Road and erecting the Necessary Bridges will be advanced, in the first Instance, out of the Colonial Fund, which I have recently formed; but this advance will be repaid, with Interest, from the Produce of the Tolls to be established on the Road when finished. I indulge a Hope that this Measure, as being of great Public Utility, will meet Your Lordship's Sanction and Approbation. (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 7, p. 275)
Governor Macquarie to Earl of Liverpool: 17th November, 1812.
I am very Much Concerned to find Your Lordship does Not entirely approve of My having Commenced and opened a good Turnpike Road from Sydney to Windsor on the Banks of the Hawkesbury, a Distance of about Forty Miles, and Which is now entirely Completed with the Exception of one Bridge; which being once finished, Toll-Bars will then be Erected between Parramatta and Windsor. The Traffic Now Carried on in this Colony is such as to require greater Facility of Communication than in former times, principally on Account of the Great Increase of Population of the Town of Sydney (containing now about Five thousand Souls) and the much greater Resort to Shipping to this Port than heretofore. Altho' there are many opulent Settlers in this Colony, still the great Bulk of the People are Poor, and as Yet totally unable to bear any heavy Taxes or Burthens of any Description; Consequently permanent Roads through this Wide Extended Colony Cannot be Constructed at the Entire Expence of the Inhabitants for many Years to Come, and they imagine (and I must Confess, I think, with Justice) they have a Right to Expect that at least a part of the Colonial Revenue, particularly that part of it Collected on the Very Spirits which they drink such Quantities of, ought to be laid out and Appropriated to the Construction of Permanent Roads and Bridges, and Streets and Wharfs, Wherever they are essentially Necessary for the Improvement of the Country or Towns, and the Comfort and great Accommodation of the Public. The Road already Made to the Hawkesbury has been productive to the greatest Benefit, in Affording the Settlers along that Line of Road a greater facility in transporting their Produce to the Markets at Sydney, and it has also Wonderfully Improved the general Face and Appearance of the Country. The Money advanced from the Police Fund of the Colony for the Construction of Roads and Bridges Can only be Considered in the Light of a Loan, as the Amount of the Toll-Rates are paid back to the Police Fund, Which Not only pays the Interest of the Sum advanced, but will in a few Years repay the Principal, Originally advanced. Under these Circumstances I confidently hope Your Lordship will approve of my Continuing to Construct public permanent Roads and Bridges through the principal Inhabited parts of the Colony, two more great Turnpike Roads being Yet essentially Necessary between the Town of Sydney and Liverpool and between the former and the River Nepean. From the great Advantage already being derived to the people from the Construction of the Turnpike Road to Windsor, I can safely Venture to Assure Your Lordship that the Making of the two others, now proposed, to the Town of Liverpool and the River Nepean, will essentially Contribute to the internal Prosperity and General Welfare of this Colony. (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 7, pp. 604-5)
By accident we last week omitted the mention that on Wednesday, the 10th instant, the new wooden bridge, leading across the South Creek to the town of Windsor, being completely finished, was opened in due form for the accommodation of the Public, in the presence of HIS EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR, who, we understand, went thither for that purpose and was met by the Magistrates and Gentlemen of that neighbourhood, and by others from Sydney, whose curiosity led them to witness the ceremony.
We are enabled to say, that the materials, workmanship, and construction of this much wanted bridge, alike met HIS EXCELLENCY'S unqualified approbation; and on the occasion he was pleased to order a very liberal allowance of spirits to the several persons employed in the erecting of it, thereby marking his satisfaction at seeing it completed in so substantial and workman-like manner.
Out of compliment to Mr. Howe, of Windsor, who undertook and finished this bridge in so complete a manner, HIS EXCELLENCY was pleased to give his name to it, and it is be hereafter known by the name of 'Howe Bridge'. The creek over which this bridge is thrown, being one of the widest, deepest, and most rapid in the Colony, and subject besides to the immense floods which occasionally do so much damage to the banks of the Hawkesbury, with which it is connected, render it necessary to make the work as solid and as strong as the materials of this country would admit of; and we have reason to believe, that it will be fully equal to the resisting the violence to which it will be thus exposed.
This bridge, built of large logs of timber, is 214 feet in length, including the abutments; is supported over the Creek, which is about 100 feet wide, by four rows of upright piles, shod with iron, 45 feet in length, whereof about 10 feet are driven into the earth below the bed of the Creek, and 11 feet are in the water itself, leaving about a height of 24 feet for the bridge above the level of the water; the width of the bridge above, in the clear of the side rails, is 24 feet.
Howe Bridge, although by far the largest and strongest built bridge that has ever been framed in the Colony, was commenced upon and completed within the short space of seven months.
The Sydney Gazette of 23rd October, 1813, reported payment from the Colonial Police Fund of 400 pounds to Richard Rouse "for erecting two Toll Houses and Bars between Parramatta and Windsor", as well as payment of 150 pounds to Messrs. Howe and McGrath for "in part compleating (sic) of their contracts of the Road between Sydney and Windsor".
The Executors of the Estate of the late ANDREW THOMPSON, Esq., assisted by Government, having completed a new and commodious Bridge over the South Creek, leading to the Town of Windsor, hereby give Notice, that it is now open for the Accommodation of the Public; and the following reduction in the Rates of Toll in Lieu of those now paid at the old Bridge, having received the sanction of HIS EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR, are established. In consequence of the reduction of the Toll, no Annual Ticket will be given in future; nor will any credit be allowed, but at the option of the Bridge-keeper. ( Tolls were then listed, including 2d for a foot passenger, 6d for a horse, etc)
SYDNEY GAZETTE
27th November, 1813.
GOVERNMENT PUBLIC NOTICESecretary General's Office
27th November, 1813.The New Road leading from Parramatta to Windsor, being some Time since completed, and the Toll Gates erected thereon, with suitable Houses for the Accommodation of the Gate-keeper, the Public are informed, that one of these Toll Gates is placed near to the Bridge over the River at Parramatta, and the other at Rouse Hill (sometimes called Vinegar Hill) at a Distance of about eight Miles from Windsor; and the Tolls will commence to be levied at those Gates on the 1st Day of January next.
It being intended to farm the Tolls to be collected at the said Gates, for One year from the 1st Day of January, 1814, Notice is hereby given that sealed Tenders or Proposals for the farming of the Tolls will be received at the Office of D'Arcy Wentworth, Esq., one of the Trustees and Commissioners for the Turnpike Roads, on Wednesday the 15th Day of December next.
A Scale of the Tolls intended to be levied at the foregoing Gates may be seen at the office of the Superintendent of Police.By Command of His Excellency,
The Governor.
J.T. Campbell, Secretary.
SYDNEY GAZETTE
22nd May, 1823..night last week the town of Windsor was greatly alarmed by the noise of something like an earthquake accompanied by a trembling of the earth. Some of the inhabitants living near to the river, or creek, over which Howe Bridge stood were so terribly alarmed as to hasten to the spot from whence the crash appeared to proceed; and they discovered that Howe Bridge, supposed to be one of the finest bridges in the Colony, had actually fallen in. When the next morning arrived, nothing but the wreck of this noble bridge was to be seen. It is conjectured that the work must have given way about the centre, but from what cause it is hard to form a correct opinion. A team of bullocks, belonging to William Cox, Esq., of Clarendon, had just cleared on this side of the river for Sydney, when the bridge tumbled in. Some weeks will be occupied in restoring this loss to the town of Windsor, during which interim the inhabitants cannot but be seriously inconvenienced. It is a matter of thankfulness, however, that no lives were lost.
The bridge fell in again in August, 1829. A low level bridge was used until a new bridge was completed in 1831.
SYDNEY GAZETTE
24th February, 1835On Sunday night, Howe's bridge over the South Creek at Windsor gave way, thereby rendering all communication by teams, from that quarter, impossible except by way of Richmond and Prospect. The coach was carried at an early hour yesterday morning by twenty men, over the old bridge, so as to be ready for the Mail, at a great risk to the men (and) to the vehicle.
SYDNEY GAZETTE
18th March, 1837Howe's Bridge Windsor is once more made passable, and in a few days will be completed in a good and substantial manner. Mr. Adamson, the contractor, having affected as much labour in the space of about three weeks with only six or eight men, as would have taken a Government gang with four times the number of men at least three months and then it would not have been half so well done. If all works of a similar nature were done by contract, it would not only be a benefit to the public, but a great saving to the Government.
Howe's Bridge was replaced by Fitzroy Bridge, a laminated timber structure, in 1853. Fitzroy Bridge was replaced by an iron bridge in March, 1881.
Grose reported, on 31st August, 1794, "I have caused a very good road to be made from Sydney to the banks of the Hawkesbury" (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 1, p. 483).
The earliest grants were issued near the Government Farm at Toongabbie.
William Joyce had been an assigned convict of John Macarthur and was granted 30 acres on 13th December, 1794. His house, a large quantity of salted meat, and 50 to 60 bushels of wheat, as well adjoining "out-sheds", were destroyed by fire. The fire started after "a spark from the chimney lodged in the roof; the rapidity of the flame was much increased by the very high wind prevailing at the time".(Sydney Gazette, 7th October, 1804)
Joyce was granted an inn license in 1811, but it operated for only a few years. He died on 11th April, 1826, and was buried at Parramatta.
Matthew Pearce, a free settler, with his wife Martha, arrived in the Colony aboard the Surprise in October, 1794 and was granted 160 acres on 22nd July, 1795. This grant adjoined that of Joyce, on the northwestern side, and was known as King's Langly Farm, after Pearce's birthplace in England. An additional grant was issued on 15th, August, 1820. (Sydney Gazette, 26th August, 1820) Pearce died on 28th December, 1831. He was buried at Parramatta, aged 69.
William Goodhall was a sergeant in the New South Wales Corps. He was granted 25 acres in the district of Mulgrave Place on 30th December, 1796, and on 18th October, 1799, 270 acres in the district of Toongabbie on the northeastern side of the road leading to the Hawkesbury. Soon after commencing work on his grant, Goodhall was attacked and seriously injured by Aboriginals. Subsequently 170 acres of this grant sold by the grantee on the 4th of February, 1802, to Richard Fitzgerald for 83 Pounds which came afterwards into the hands of Mr. John Macarthur who resigned it to the Crown for land in lieu in the County of Camden. The deed was "torn up" on 30th May, 1823.
Private Richard Richardson was granted 160 acres adjoining that of William Goodhall, on the same date. Ten acres were sold to Thomas Jones, an ex-convict, on 30th October, 1799, (ie. 12 days after the grant had been issued). The reminder was sold to Jones on 10th September, 1801, for sixty pounds. The land was sold to Richard Fitzgerald for eighty pounds on 14th January, 1802, and subsequently to John Macarthur. The grant was "torn up" on 20th September, 1821.
Captain Edward Abbott, who had served as military commander at the Hawkesbury and who had been invalided back to England in September, 1796, returned to the Colony in 1799. He was granted 700 acres at Toongabbie on 18th December, 1799. This area extended into the southeastern part of what would become Kellyville. He was later issued two grants of 1,300 acres and 700 acres on 1st January, 1806, in the district of Cabramatta, for his role in suppressing the Irish Rebellion.
Joseph Foveaux purchased his lieutenancy in the New South Wales Corps on 5th June, 1789. He reached Port Jackson in 1792, holding the rank of Captain. The rank of Major was achieved on 10th June, 1796, and he was senior officer during the absence of Lieutenant-Colonel Paterson between August, 1796, and November, 1799.
Colonel Joseph Foveaux was granted 125 acres on the banks of the Hawkesbury on 16th January, 1799. Together with Charles Grimes, he was granted 980 acres at Toongabbie on 3rd October, 1799. On 26th October, 1799, Grimes made over his share to Foveaux. An area of 190 acres was granted to John Roberts, a marine, on 18th December, 1799, and was later purchased by Foveaux, along with a grant of 600 acres made to John Hayes and Thomas Chipp, both Non-commissioned Officers of the Marines. The combined area was known as "Stock Farm". Here the first large flock of sheep were bred for their wool. By 1800, Foveaux had 1027 sheep on his 2020 acres.
Foveaux transferred to Norfolk Island as acting lieutenant- governor. (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 3, p. 101) To facilitate this move, he disposed of his Toongabbie holdings and his flock to John Macarthur, for the sum of 2,000 pounds (500 for the farm and 1,500 pounds for the sheep) on 5th December, 1801. Lord Hobart wrote to Governor King on 24th February, 1803, (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 5, p. 49), commenting "I cannot but consider the conduct of Major Foveaux, in concluding an agreement with Captain McArthur for the sale of his flock of sheep, after having authorised you to submit to His Majesty's Ministers a proposal on his part for disposing of them to Government, as highly censurable." [Foveaux was to write to Earl Camden on 23rd March, 1805, justifying his sale of "a large farm in most excellent condition, with a fine flock of sheep, at that time unrivalled", and petitioning for full payment of his salary whilst on Norfolk Island. (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 5, pp. 578-9) ]
He was promoted to Lieut-Colonel in April, 1802. He suffered from severe asthma during his term on Norfolk Island. On 9th September, 1804, he returned to England for recuperation and for "some urgent business of his own". (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 4, p. 86)
Foveaux returned to Port Jackson on 28th July, 1808, and, finding that Governor Bligh had been removed from office, assumed command himself and dispensed with the services of John Macarthur as Colonial Secretary. (Sydney Gazette 31st July, 1808)
Paterson assumed control of the Colony on 9th January, 1809. Macquarie announced "Lieutenant Colonel Foveaux is appointed to command the Troops at Head Quarters, at Sydney" on 1st January, 1810. (Sydney Gazette 7th January, 1810) Foveaux returned to England on the Experiment in March of that year. (Sydney Gazette 24th March, 1810)
Elizabeth Veale married John Macarthur in October, 1788. She arrived in the Colony on 28th June, 1790. By 1794 the Macarthurs occupied their home, Elizabeth Farm, at Parramatta.
The Macathurs purchased Foveaux's "Stock Farm" at Toongabbie in 1801. Her husband, John, had wounded William Paterson in a duel on 14th September, 1801, and was immediately arrested by Governor King. He sailed for England to face trial in November of that year, reaching England in December, 1802.
Elizabeth was left to manage both properties. "Stock Farm" was renamed "Seven Hills Farm".
Macarthur made the most of this opportunity to promote wool production in New South Wales and was able to secure permission for his resignation from the army. He obtained a grant of 5,000 acres of excellent pasture land at the Cowpastures, to be doubled if results were favourable. Macarthur returned to the colony in 1805.
John Macarthur again left the Colony on 29th March, 1809, to answer for his role in the removal of Governor Bligh from office. He was not to return until 1817. During this time Elizabeth played a major role in the development of the wool industry.
"Seven Hills Farm" at Toongabbie was surrendered as a condition of a grant of more land at Camden.
John Macarthur had built a new residence at Camden, and it was here that Elizabeth resided until her death on 9th February, 1850.
When Governor King decided to establish a Government farm at Castle Hill in July, 1801, (H.R.A. ser. i, vol. 9, p. 113), he resolved "I shall take care that grants of land are not made to exclude Government from the ground cleared by the convicts at public labour" as had happened at Toongabbie. He therefore ensured that subsequent land grants were made some distance from the Government farm. The area now known as Kellyville was one such locality. The principal settlers of Kellyville are discussed below.
The town of Kellyville is named after Hugh Kelly, who had been convicted in Armagh in April, 1802, and transported for seven years, arriving on the Rolla in the Colony on 12th May, 1803.
The 1806 Muster recorded Kelly as being in the employ of Humphrey Evans at Parramatta. On 14th August, 1808, Kelly married the widowed Mary Evans.
Kelly received a full pardon in April, 1810, and soon after received a 60 acre grant, which was located in the vicinity of what is now the intersection of President and Greens Roads, Kellyville.
The Sydney Gazette recorded that Hugh Kelly was supplying meat to the Government between 1815 and 1820.
By 1820, Kelly had purchased 940 acres adjoining his grant. Five hundred of these acres had been a grant to Assistant Surgeon James Mileham, and were in the area of Acres, Poole and Green Roads. Mileham had received his grant in April, 1809, but had run into financial difficulty, selling the land for 250 pounds.
The Sydney Gazette of 19th February, 1820, mentioned Kelly as holding an inn license. Kelly held an inn license for the "Half Way House" on the road to Windsor. The inn was subsequently known as the "Bird in Hand".
Kelly petitioned Governor Macquarie on 25th July, 1821, requesting a grant as compensation for the loss of "about a Mile and a Half in length" of his farm during the construction of the Road to Windsor and for the use of timber and gravel as materials in the road construction. In response, Macquarie granted "Two Hundred Acres of Land, where he solicits it - adjoining his own present Farm in the District of Toongabbie".
Hugh Kelly also owned land at Goulburn Plains and 60 acres at Pitt Town. The 1828 Census recorded that Kelly's holdings were 1,600 acres, of which 100 were cleared and 50 cultivated. Kelly also held 20 horses and 750 cattle, mostly at Goulburn Plains.
The Sydney Gazette of 30th December, 1826, reported an offer of 150 pounds reward for information leading to the apprehension of persons who on "Wednesday night 27th instant set fire to a 300 bushel stack of wheat on the Farm and Premises of Mr. Hugh Kelly at Pitt Town."
Kelly also acquired the right to collect the Toll for crossing Howe Bridge over South Creek in 1831, and in 1834 he purchased a fifty acre farm on the Hawkesbury.
Hugh Kelly died at his residence on 21st July, 1835, and was interred at the Burial Ground at Parramatta. The following appeared in the Australian newspaper of 23rd February, 1841:
To Be Let. A beautiful homestead, about eight miles from Parramatta on the Windsor Road consisting of about 1600 acres of land fenced in and well watered. There are 200 acres in cultivation and the remainder is divided into convenient paddocks. The House and extensive offices, formerly known as 'The Halfway House', and for many years conducted as an Inn and Coaching establishment by the late Mr. Hugh Kelly, are in a thorough state of repair and may be sublet to great advantage.
John Hillas arrived in the Colony on the Nile as a free settler on 14th December, 1801. He was granted 150 acres on 11th August, 1804, although, as was the case with most land grants, he had occupied and worked it earlier. This grant was in the area of the intersection of Windsor and Old Windsor Roads, and was known as "Stanhope Farm". An earlier grant of 100 acres, situated at the intersection of Windsor Road and Acres Road, was issued on 31st March, 1802.
The Sydney Gazette of 5th August, 1804, advertised an inn named the Stanhope Arms. This inn lasted until 1810.
John Hillas died in 1837, with land holdings of 670 acres at the time. He was buried at Parramatta, aged 68.
Humphrey Evans arrived on the Friendship with the First Fleet as a Royal Marine. He was granted 135 acres on 6th July, 1803. He was killed by a falling tree on 1st August, 1805. On 14th August, 1808, his widow married her assigned convict, Hugh Kelly.
George Acres and his wife Isabella arrived in Port Jackson as a free settler on the Royal George on 10th March, 1821. A grant of 500 acres was issued on 30th June, 1823. Naming his property "Heywood", he established orchards, vineyards, and a stud. By 1828, he had increased his holdings to 1,500 acres, although only ten were cultivated. Horned cattle occupied the rest.
Acres died in 1835 and was buried at Parramatta. He was survived by a widow and five children.
Richard Rouse arrived in the colony on the Nile in 1801 as one of seven free settlers who had been given assisted passage and a promise of a grant of land, supplies from government stores for twelve months and two convict servants.
Rouse received a grant of 100 acres north of Richmond Hill from Governor King in March 1802. He named this "Oxford Farm". To this was added a further 50 acres in 1806.
He was appointed Superintendent of the Lumber Yard at Parramatta in July 1805, with a payment of fifty pounds annually. Margaret Catchpole, who had been a convict servant of the family on the voyage out as well as in the colony, was made overseer of the North Richmond farm. Rouse lost this position at Parramatta in 1808 because of his loyalty to Bligh, signing several memorials in Bligh's favour.
Rouse was reinstated to his former position by Governor Macquarie in 1810. This position ensured that he was favourably placed to contract for government works. In 1814 he was appointed auctioneer at Parramatta. He was superintendent of construction of several buildings, including the renovation of Government House at Parramatta and the construction of Parramatta. In addition, he was responsible for establishment of a number of toll-houses and turnpikes in the Parramatta, Hawkesbury and Liverpool districts.
The Sydney Gazette of 23rd October, 1813, reported payment from the Colonial Police Fund of 400 pounds to Richard Rouse "for erecting two Toll Houses and Bars between Parramatta and Windsor"
Rouse constructed in 1820 a "most suitable" home on his 450 acres, granted on 8th October, 1816, at Vinegar Hill. The Sydney Gazette of 27th November, 1813, referred to Rouse Hill:
The New Road leading from Parramatta to Windsor, being some Time since completed, and the Toll Gates erected thereon, with suitable Houses for the Accommodation of the Gate-keeper, the Public are informed, that one of these Toll Gates is placed near to the Bridge over the River at Parramatta, and the other at Rouse Hill (sometimes called Vinegar Hill) at a Distance of about eight Miles from Windsor; and the Tolls will commence to be levied at those Gates on the 1st Day of January next.
This suggests the land had been occupied by Rouse prior to the official grant being made. Macquarie changed the name of the locality to Rouse Hill.
The home consisted of four large rooms on each of the two floors, with a large central hall. The flagstone verandahs on three sides and the two storied wing at the back were added after 1862. The building is now known as Rouse Hill House and has been acquired by the Historic Houses Trust of New South Wales.
Rouse also acquired a grant of 320 acres at the junction of Richmond Road and South Creek. This was named "Berkshire Park". A further grant of 347 acres nearby was named "Jericho".
Richard Rouse, in 1822, sent his sons across the mountains in search of pastoral land. An area of 4,000 acres in the vicinity of Gulgong was taken up in 1825. The Rouse family played a strong role in the early settlement of Mudgee and Gulgong.
By 1828, Richard Rouse held about 10,000 acres.(1828 Census) By this time he had retired to Rouse Hill to bread sheep, cattle and thoroughbred horses.
Born in East Lothian, Scotland, John Bowman arrived in the colony aboard the Barwell in May, 1798, accompanied by his wife Honor and their children John, George and Mary. On 8th April, 1799, Bowman received a 100 acre grant on the Richmond Lowlands. This grant was named Archerfield. The following year, another son, William, was born. A further grant of 40 acres at Richmond Hill was issued by Governor King on 11th August, 1804, and he purchased another 160 acres.
Bowman was one of five Hawkesbury settlers who presented an address of welcome to Governor Bligh in 1806, urging him to introduce reforms. He continued to support Bligh after his overthrow on January, 1808. Bowman was imprisoned for calling Nicholas Bayly a rogue during the inter-regnum.
During 1809 he fell into financial difficulty. In 1813, 415 acres of his land were advertised for auction. Having cleared his debts, he continued to farm, leaving his family well off when he died on 16th December, 1825. His sons, George and William, continued to reside in Richmond and held extensive pastoral interests in the Hunter and Mudgee districts.
Following Nelson's victory at Trafalgar on 21st October,1805, John Bowman took a large piece of silk from his wife's wedding dress and created the first flag designed and made in Australia, flying it in early 1806 from his property Archerfield, at Richmond.
It had a Norman shield, resting on scrolls and surrounded by them. The shield contained the English rose, the Scottish thistle and the Irish shamrock. The word "Unity" appeared on a scroll above the shield. Beneath the shield, also on a scroll, were the words of Nelson's signal: "England expects every man will do his duty". Supporting the shield were an emu on the right and a kangaroo on the left. This was the first known use of what would become part of the Australian coat of arms.
The original flag is now held in the Mitchell Library.
The intertwining of the symbols of England, Scotland and Ireland, surrounded by uniquely native Australian symbols, together with the use of the word "Unity" have added significance given that the Irish insurrection at Castle Hill and the Battle of Vinegar Hill had occurred only two years earlier, with a leader of Irish, Phillip Cunningham, having been executed at nearby Green Hills (Windsor). The settlement at the Hawkesbury had been the intended target of the Irish Convicts, had they not been intercepted and defeated by Major Johnston and his troops.
New South Wales was generally known as an English Colony. Deputy-Judge Advocate and Lieut-Governor, David Collins, for example, in 1798 wrote a book titled An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales.
The contribution of the Irish has been widely recognised in recent years, and is well documented.
The Scots also made a major contribution to the early development of the Hawkesbury. Governors John Hunter, Lachlan Macquarie and Thomas Brisbane, Lieut.-Governor William Paterson, Andrew Thompson, John Bowman, William Walker, and many of the Portland Head settlers were of Scottish background.
Born at Wimbourne in Dorset, England, William Cox joined the army in 1797 and, as lieutenant was commissioned as Paymaster of the New South Wales Corp in 1798.
He arrived on the Minerva on 11th January, 1800, accompanied by his wife, Rebecca, and his four youngest sons, Charles, George, Henry and Frederick. Two older boys, William and James, were to later join the family in the Colony.
Cox acquired Brush Farm from John Macarthur soon after his arrival in the Colony.
Cox settled in the Hawkesbury in 1804, building Clarendon House before leaving the Colony in 1807. [This building was demolished about 1924].
He became indebted to the value of 7,899 pounds and was forced to sell his property to meet his debts, which had been paid in full by 1806. Charged with malaversion, he was absent from the Colony between 1806 and 1810. There is no evidence that he ever faced charges on his return to England.
Cox had been suspended as Paymaster in April, 1803. Governor King had reported to Lord Hobart on 9th May, 1803:
Lieut't-Colonel Paterson having applied to me by letter to give him my advice respecting the Paymaster of the Corps having considerably overdrawn the subsistence and pay, I have advised him by no means to countenance the bills, which, it appears, the Paymaster has antedated some months beforehand, nor to sign the pay-lists for those periods.
The whole of the suspended Paymaster's extensive farms and great stock, as well as about 4,000 pounds worth of trading property, being lodged in the hands of trustees, may be a future means of reimbursing Government; but the industrious individuals who have placed their whole earnings in his hands, as a secured deposit, I fear will lose their all, the debts he owes in the colony being a great amount. (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 4, p. 166 & 666. In a statement of affairs dated 19th March, 1803, his indebtedness to the army agents was 7,898L. 16s. 4.5d., of which 2,000 pounds was secured. A separate report was sent by King on 1st March, 1804 - ibid. pp. 541-548.)
Governor Bligh reported to Right Hon. William Windham on 7th February, 1807:
In consequence of orders which Colonel Paterson received from His Royal Highness the Commander-in-Chief to send Mr. Cox, the Paymaster of the Corps, home for malaversion, he left his government in tranquillity with Captain Kemp, but he now returns in the Estramina Colonial Schooner, and Mr. Cox in the Buffalo, to answer such Charges as will be brought against him. (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 6, pp. 127, 711-712)
He resigned his commission in 1809 and returned to New South Wales in January, 1810 on the Albion. (Sydney Gazette, 21st Jan. 1810) On 6th October, 1810, the Sydney Gazette carried the following advertisement:
To be SOLD, a Hundred-Acre Farm situated on the West side of the South Creek, about five miles from the Hawkesbury: there is about twenty acres of land cleared on it. -The purchaser may have immediate possession of it, and 12 months credit for one half the purchase money. - Apply to Mr. William Cox, at the Hawkesbury. |
Appointed Chief Magistrate at the Hawkesbury on the death of Andrew Thompson on 27th, October, 1810, he held the office for the rest of his life, showing a degree of humanity uncommon in those days. The Sydney Gazette of 27th October reported:
His Excellency the GOVERNOR has been pleased to appoint WILLIAM COX Esq. to be Justice of the Peace and Magistrate in the District of Hawkesbury, and the County of Cumberland (in Room of ANDREW THOMPSON, Esq. lately deceased); and he is to be obeyed and respected as such accordingly.
In his role as Magistrate, William Cox was responsible for supervising rescue work during floods. One such occasion being the floods from 23rd to 25th February, 1811. The Sydney Gazette of 20th March, 1811, recording:
Mr. Cox, the Resident Magistrate at Hawkesbury, took his station at Windsor at the commencement of the fresh, and to his active exertions many were indebted for the safety of their lives and property, in which a number of individuals joined with an ardour that cannot be sufficiently commended. |
Cox is best known as a road builder, having constructed the 101 mile long road from Emu Plains to Bathurst in six months, commencing on 18th July, 1814, the Blacktown to Richmond Road in 1819, and a bridge over Rickaby's Creek on the Cornwallis Road.
Macquarie had agreed to give Conditional Pardons to the 50 to 60 convicts involved in completing the road in six months rather than the three years that it had been estimated to take. [H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 9, pp. 507-8] Following completion of the road across the mountains, Cox was granted 2,000 acres near Bathurst, naming his property Hereford. [H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 8, pp. 314-5, 558, 576] Macquarie wrote to Lord Bathurst on 24th June, 1814, commenting on Cox's services in constructing the road across the mountains:
The Road, made by Mr. Cox from the left Bank of the River Nepean to Bathurst, Measuring Upwards of 101 Miles, is as good as the Nature of the Mountainous hilly Country, thro' which it is made, Could possibly Admit, and is now perfectly accessible, Not only for Cattle, but also for All Descriptions of Wheeled Carriages; as a Proof of this, I need only Mention that I took my own Post Chaise with me the Whole of the Way from Sydney to Mount Pleasant, being a Distance of 148 Miles. The Road, thus Constructed by Mr. Cox, does him and the Party, who worked under his Direction, Infinite Credit, due Consideration being given to the extraordinary Difficulties they had to Surmount, and the Short period of Time in which they Completed it, Six Months only being employed upon it from the Commencement.
I cannot therefore too highly Appreciate the Merits and Services of Mr. Cox on this Occasion, feeling Confident that there is not at present any Gentleman in this Colony equal to the Accomplishment of Such a Work in so Short a time. I therefore beg leave to recommend Mr. Cox in the Strongest Manner to the favourable Consideration of your Lordship, and to Submit that I may be Authorized to make him a pecuniary Remuneration for his Services by paying him the Sum of Three Hundred Pounds from the Colonial Funds, and also to give him a handsome Grant of Land in the New Country, to which he has opened so good a Passage, as a further Reward for his important Services. (ibid. p. 558)
William Cox and T. Moore were paid seventy pounds from the Police Fund "towards erecting school houses, and inclosing the public burial grounds in the towns of Richmond and Liverpool" (Sydney Gazette 20th July, 1811). Cox was also paid 40 pounds from the Colonial Police Fund "for fencing the burial ground at Windsor, and for a timber-carriage, &c" (Sydney Gazette 6th October, 1810)
Cox's best existing works in the Hawkesbury are the Windsor Court House (1821-22) and St. Matthews Rectory, Windsor (1823-25). Many of his other Government buildings have disappeared, including the Glebe House at Castlereagh (1813), School House at Richmond (completed 1813), School House and Place of Worship at Castlereagh (1820), additions and repairs to the School House at Pitt Town and in 1820 additions and repairs to Windsor Gaol, which he had built in 1812.
The Sydney Gazette of 29th July, 1820 listed items from the settlement of the Police Fund. Included were "Payment for additions and alterations made on Windsor gaol....489 Pounds" and "Additions and repairs to School House at Pitt Town and Burial Ground at Richmond, and for erecting School House and Place of Worship at Castlereagh... 408 Pounds and 10s." to William Cox.
Cox's wife, Rebecca, died on 3rd March, 1819. He married Anna Blachford at St. Matthews, Windsor, on 23rd January, 1821. Their children Edgar (1822), Thomas (27-12-1823), and Alfred (1825) were all born at their residence Clarendon.
He acquired Claremont, at Windsor, in 1822, carried out substantial improvements. His brother-in-law, Francis Beddek, took up residence at Claremont in 1828. Cox also constructed the earlier part of Fairfield House in Windsor before taking up residence prior to the birth of his daughter Anna in1828.
The Sydney Gazette of 22nd October, 1828, carried the following article:
We understand that it is the intention of MR. BEDDEK, Solicitor, of Parramatta, to settle in the populous and highly respectable neighbourhood of Windsor. We have often been surprised that a legal gentleman has hitherto not resided in the latter town, the Hawkesbury gentry being rather fond of litigation, and well stored with the means to fee the lawyers. We are informed that MR. BEDDEK will remove in the course of a month, and take up residence at a pretty cottage, called Claremont (the property of WILLIAM COX, Esq. Clarendon) near the church in Windsor.
Following his return from England in 1810, he expanded his pastoral interests and helped put the wool industry on a commercial basis. Cox had played a leading role in the exploration of the Lachlan River in 1816. (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 9, p. 357) By 1828, the Cox family owned 13,870 sheep on their extensive properties near Mudgee, Burrendong and Mulgoa.
Cox owned a 120 acre property called Mount Pleasant, including a residence, a brewery let to Thomas Cadell, a public house let to Tom Norris, a toll bridge and three cottages, including Claremont.
It is probable that William Cox directed the construction of Hobartville at Richmond, which was built for his son William in 1828.
The Sydney Gazette of 31st October, 1828, commented of William Cox's properties:
ARCHIBALD BELL OF BELMONT, RICHMOND HILL. William Cox died at Fairfield House on 15th March,1837, aged seventy two. He was interred in St. Matthews graveyard.Clarendon, the seat of Mr. COX, that veteran Justice of the Peace, is situated in a pretty spot, and presents the appearance of a small town, but the residence of that Gentleman certainly does not answer the expectations of the traveller; for many other farmers, of comparative insignificance, very laudably occupy stately mansions. The town of Richmond has some very good buildings, and promises to become a very interesting quarter. Mr. W. Cox, junior, has recently completed at Hobart Ville, a building, which might be styled a little palace.
Thomas Arndell (1753-1821) arrived on the Friendship as assistant surgeon with the First Fleet. He had left behind in England a son, John, who would later become a medical assistant on Norfolk Island (HRNSW vol. 3, p. 35), and a daughter, Esther, who would later marry the explorer William Hovell.
Arndell was soon given charge of the hospital at Parramatta. By 1791, he had begun farming an area of Land at Parramatta, with an assigned labourer. Captain Watkin Tench described a visit to Arndell's property on 7th December, 1791, in his book Sydney's First Four Years (p. 255):
Proceeded to the farm of Mr. Arndell, one of the assistant surgeons. This gentleman has six acres in cultivation, as follows, rather more than four in maize, one in wheat, and the reminder in oats and barley; the wheat looks tolerably good, rather thin, but a good height, and the ears well filled...
Thomas Arndell, as assistant surgeon, accompanied Watkin Tench on his journey of exploration from Rose Hill to the Nepean River in June, 1789. (ibid. p. 153)
On 4th October, 1792, he sought permission to retire on a pension and to become a Settler (HRA ser. 1, vol. 1, p. 392). Governor Phillip granted him 60 acres at Parramatta on 16th July, 1792 (ibid). By October, 1792, he had 18 acres under crop with three more cleared. His pension of fifty pounds annually was granted on 31st July, 1793 (HRA ser. 1, vol. 1, p. 442).
The bushfires of December, 1792, destroyed a hut and a stack of wheat. (see section on bushfires - also Collins - vol. 1, p. 216-217)
After Phillip's departure, he was given a grant of 70 acres at the Northern Boundaries (Pennant Hills) by Lieut.-Governor Grose on 1st April, 1794.
He married Elizabeth Burleigh, who had been a convict on the Lady Penrhyn, in 1806.
At Governor Hunter's request, he reported, adversely, in July, 1798, on the changes made under the administration of Grose and Paterson. (HRA ser. 1, vol. 2, p. 135)
Hunter issued a grant of 100 acres in the Dundas district (on 16th April, 1798), made him a magistrate, and appointed him apothecary at Parramatta Hospital (HRNSW vol. 3, p. 451; HRA ser. 1, vol. 2, pp. 195 & 197). He was also requested to assist Samuel Marsden in conducting an inquiry into small scale farming around Parramatta. (HRNSW vol. 3, p. 370 et seq.)
Arndell, in 1800, complained to the Colonial Office about exploitation of small farmers by local retailers.
The Statement of Provisions, &c., for 9th November, 1802, listed Thomas Arndell, Magistrate, as owning 231 acres by grant and 330 acres purchased, with 148 acres cleared, 50 acres in wheat and maize, and running 3 horses, 3 horned cattle, 88 sheep and 59 hogs. (HRA ser. 1, vol. 4, p. 612)
The returns for 7th August, 1803, reported Arndell's holdings as 630 acres (HRA ser.1, vol. 4, p. 314). This figure remained constant for 1st March, 1804. (HRA ser. 1, vol. 4, p. 498)
Arndell reported to Rev. Samuel Marsden, in the absence of the Officer commanding at Parramatta, on 4th March, 1804, on the imminent Irish Uprising. (HRA ser. 1, vol. 4, p. 567)
On 14th August, 1804, Thomas Arndell was listed as owning 930 acres, 65 of which were sown with wheat, 20 with maize and 20 with barley and oats, with 823.5 as pasture. (HRA ser. 1, vol. 5, pp. 34-35) The returns for 1st November, 1805, showed similar figures, with 930 acres in his possession. (ibid. pp. 606-7)
By 12th August,1806, his holdings were reduced to 630 acres, including a farm on Cattai Creek, granted to him by Governor King on 4th June, 1804.(ibid. pp. 774-5)
His Hawkesbury grant was known as "Caddai". His son, Thomas, was born there in 1799, indicating that he had occupied the land some time before officially granted, a regular practice at that time.
Sheep-raising was one of Arndell's major interest, with 276 sheep, including "real bred Spanish ram", in his flock, although he had 87 acres cropped with grain in 1806. (HRNSW vol. 5, p. 705)
Arndell served as Magistrate at the Hawkesbury from 1802, and during the disastrous floods of 1806 "the measures adopted by Thomas Arndell Esq. for the preservation of lives were actively carried into execution by Mr. Thompson, Chief Constable" (Sydney Gazette 30th March, 1806). Together with Rev. Samuel Marsden, he reported into the effect of the 1806 floods (HRA ser. 1, vol. 5, pp. 759-60)
He was a leading figure in the establishment of the Portland Head Society for the Propagation of Christian Knowledge and the Instruction of Youth, which constructed Ebenezer Church in 1809.(HRNSW vol. 7, pp. 160-1)
Under Bligh's administration, Arndell became assistant surgeon at Hawkesbury (HRA ser. 1, vol. 6, p. 115). He sided with Bligh during the Rum Rebellion, writing in support of Bligh on several occasions.
He was replaced as magistrate in the Hawkesbury by Archibald Bell on 27th January, 1808, by the rebel administration.
By 1809, a stone wind-powered windmill had been constructed on his Cattai property to crush his corn into flour. The Sydney Gazette of 2nd July, 1809, carried the following advertisement:
To be Let, a capital Windmill the property of Thomas Arndell, Esq. at Caddye, in addition to which the Lessee will be accommodated if wished, with any portion of ground on Lease, not exceeding 50 acres, the whole of an excellent quality. - Apply to Mr. Arndell at Caddye, or Mr. Thompson Green Hills. |
Macquarie successfully urged the British Government to reinstate his pension, which had been discontinued in 1806, and was restored in 1812, with 300 pounds arrears being paid. (HRA ser.1, vol. 7, pp. 391 & 462) Of Arndell, Macquarie reported :
I do myself the honor to transmit to your Lordship a memorial from Thomas Arndell, Esquire, some time ago Senior Assistant Surgeon on this establishment, from whence it would appear that he had been permitted to retire and settle in this colony on a pension allowed him by Government in consideration of his long services and bodily infirmities. Mr. Arndell continued to receive this pension for many years, but for some reason, totally unknown to him, it was at length discontinued, and his agent at Home could never recover it for him. Mr. Arndell now solicits the renewal of it, and I most strongly recommend the prayer of his memorial to your Lordship's indulgent and favourable consideration. This gentleman is now far advanced in years, and has a wife and a numerous family of children to provide for, whom he has brought up and educated in a most respectable way, but his means of support, arising altogether from the produce of his farm, are very inadequate to this object. I beg to assure your Lordship that in point of character he is an honest and good man, and a very loyal subject, and I conceive in every point of view fully deserving the indulgence he now solicits. (HRNSW vol. 7, p. 612)
By the time of his death on 2nd May, 1821, he owned 750 acres of land and 406 domestic animals. He was buried in St. Matthew's churchyard, Windsor.
Archibald Bell arrived on the Young William, with his wife and seven children, on 12th July, 1807, as an ensign in the 103rd Regiment, New South Wales Corps. (Sydney Gazette 12th July, 1807)
Having played a prominent role, as the officer in charge of the guard at Government House, during the Rum Rebellion on 26th January, 1808, he was the next day made magistrate for the Hawkesbury in place of Thomas Arndell, a Bligh supporter (HRNSW vol. 6, p. 453). He was as well made military commander at the Hawkesbury, and was granted 500 acres* at Richmond Hill on 19th July, 1808, by George Johnston. He named this grant "Belmont". (It should be noted that Johnston granted himself 2,000 acres on 8th July of the same year.) The grant made to Bell by Johnston was cancelled by Lieut. Governor Paterson and a new one made in its place on 17th July, 1809, together with a second grant of 1,000 acres on the same day. [Both grants have an annotation marked "Destroyed the 5th September, 1825, F.G." (Land Grants 1788-1809)] * There is some controversy about this grant, as outlined below.
Bligh had been instructed by Windham, by letter dated 6th December, 1806, and acknowledged by Bligh on 31st October, 1807:
Mr. Bell, having been recommended to me in the strongest Manner by Persons of great Respectability, has received my permission to proceed to New South Wales as a Settler, and I take this Opportunity to recommend him and his Family to your Protection. You will direct a Grant of Five Hundred Acres in his Favor, subject to the usual Reservations... (HRA ser. 1, vol. 6, p. 39)
Bligh reported to Right Hon. W. Windham on 31st October, 1807 (HRNSW vol. 6, p. 367) that "Mr. Bell has received five hundred acres of land, four cows, and three oxen, with other indulgences as a settler".
However, Bligh reported to Viscount Castlereagh on 12th November, 1808, that Major Johnston had (illegally) granted 600 acres to Ensign Bell (HRA ser. 1, vol. 6, p. 702). Bell presented his side of the story in a memorial to the Earl of Liverpool, which was forwarded by Governor Macquarie on 20th July, 1811. (HRA ser. 1, vol. 6, pp. 372-4) Bell indicated that:
500 acres were assigned to him, upon which he immediately began to expend all his means in improvements, as a future provision for his large and numerous family, your memorialist having now a Wife and 10 Children in New So. Wales.
That your Memorialist became a Settler in New So. Wales Corps, but in consequence of the unfortunate state of the colony was unable to secure any confirmation of the grant altho' it was never actually refused to your memorialist there and no objection was stated to it, except what arose from Orders given to Col. McQuarie as appears by the accompanying letter...
It appears that, as frequently occurred at the time, Bell was permitted to occupy and work his proposed grant with the intention that it would be formally ratified some months later. The ratification by Bligh never occurred because of his overthrow, and Johnston later formalised the grant as per prior instructions to Governor Bligh.
Magistrate Archibald Bell, because of the positions he held, was required to deal with two major floods at the Hawkesbury in 1809. The Sydney Gazette of 6th August, 1809, reported:
At the order of Mr. Bell, the church was appropriated to the reception of sufferers brought to the Hills (later Windsor), and such as were destitute were victualled from the Store, and every measure that humanity could devise was adopted to alleviate as much as possible the misery of their condition.
Macquarie visited his comfortable home at Richmond Hill on 1st December, 1810, recording in his journal: We rode up the (Richmond) Hill to call on Mrs. Bell (the wife of Lieut. Bell of the 102d Regt.) who resides on her farm on the summit of this beautiful hill, from which there is a very fine commanding prospect of the River Hawkesbury and adjacent country. We found Mrs. Bell and her family at home, and after sitting with them for about an hour, we again mounted our horses to prosecute our excursion, directing our course for the Kurry Jung Hill.
Bell was required to proceed to England with his Regiment, and was a witness at the trial of George Johnston. (HRNSW vol. 7, p. 505)
Macquarie confirmed Bell's two grants in 1812 as he had a large family and had performed valuable service.
He returned to the colony in 1812 as a lieutenant with the New South Wales Royal Veterans Company (HRNSW vol. 7, p. 505). He was re-appointed Magistrate at the Hawkesbury in 1820 (HRA ser.1, vol. 10, p. 241 & 583), becoming the first paid magistrate. He served on the Bench with Captain John Brabyn and William Cox, and held that office until 1834. He was recorded as Superintendent of Police at Windsor in the 1828 Census.
Lieutenant Bell was one of the founding members of the Hawkesbury Benevolent Society in 1818, and was on the committee for the Native Institution in 1819.
He was a nominated member of the Legislative Council from 29th September,1832, until his death on 28th April, 1837. He was considered one of Governor Bourke's strongest supporters, favouring the introduction of the jury system into New South Wales.
He was interred in a vault on his property. His wife and young granddaughter are also interred in the vault.
His sons William and Archibald settled in the Hunter region. Archibald Jnr. discovered a route over the Blue Mountains in 1823. This is now known as Bell's Line of Road. (A detailed description of the history of this road by H.A. MacLeod Morgan can be found in J.R.A.H.S. Vol. 42, pp. 23-48)
His youngest son John Thomas inherited Belmont but became insolvent during the economic Depression of 1845.
Bell's daughter Elizabeth married George Cox, 4th son of William Cox senr.
The North Richmond property was purchased by Philip Charley in 1891, and the historic Belmont Residence constructed in 1893.
Part 1, Volume 1 of the Historical Records of New South Wales contains at least 65 references to the fires of natives as reported in 1770 by those aboard Captain Cook's ship, the Endeavour. For example, Cook's log, recorded on 19th July, 1770, at the Endeavour River, indicates that fire was sometimes used as a weapon:
Several Indians on board the ship. About 9 they went on shore and fired all the country about us. Mr. Banke's markee was with difficulty sav'd from the fire by being hastily pull'd down. They continue to increase the fire, not withstanding our signs to the contrary. The captain wounded one of them with small shot, which effectually dispers'd them. In ab't 2 hour's time they return'd without there (sic) arms, and seemingly very good friends.
Captain John Hunter, in his 1793 book An Historical Journal, described, whilst discussing the native inhabitants of New South Wales:
They also, when in considerable numbers, set the country on fire for several miles extent; this, we have generally understood, is for the purpose of disturbing such animals as may be within reach of the conflagration; and thereby they have the opportunity of killing many. We have also had much reason to believe, that those fires were intended to clear that part of the country through which they have frequent occasion to travel, of the brush or underwood, from which they, being naked, suffer very great inconvenience. The fires, which we very frequently saw, particularly in the summertime, account also for an appearance, which, when we first arrived here, we were much perplexed to understand the cause of; this was, that two thirds of the trees in the woods were very much scorched with fire, some were burnt quite black, up to the very top: as to the cause of this appearance we differed very much in our opinions; but it is now plain, that it has ever been occasioned by fires, which the natives so frequently make, and which we have seen reach the highest branches of the trees: we sometimes, upon our arrival here, conjectured that it proceeded by lightning, but upon looking farther, it appeared to general amongst the woods to have been occasioned by such an accident.
Captain David Collins, in his book An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, noted for the month of October, 1790:
The little rain which fell about the close of the preceding month soon ceased, and the gardens and the corn ground were again parching for want of moisture. The grass in the woods was so dried, that a single spark would have set the surrounding country in flames; an instance of this happened early in the month, with the wind blowing strong at N W. It was however happily checked. (Vol. 1, p. 113)
Collins again noted in December, 1792:It had been, at the beginning of this month, very near experiencing a calamity that would have blasted all the prospects of the next season, and in one moment have rendered ineffectual the labour of many hands and of many months. Two days after the wheat had been reaped at Toongabbie, the whole of the stubble was burnt. The day on which this happened had been unusually hot, and the country was every where on fire. Had it befallen us while the wheat was upon the ground, nothing could have saved the whole from being destroyed. From this circumstance, however, one good resulted; precautions against a similar accident were immediately taken, by clearing the timber for a certain distance round the cultivated land. (p. 210)
Collins continued (Vol. 1, pp. 216-7) :
The weather during this month [December, 1792] was very hot. The 5th was a day most excessively sultry. The wind blew strong from the northward of west; the country, to add to the intense heat of the atmosphere, was every where on fire. At Sydney, the grass at the back of the hill on the west side of the cove, having either caught or been set on fire by the natives, the flames, aided by the wind which at that time blew violently, spread and raged with incredible fury. One house was burnt down, several gardens with their fences were destroyed; and the whole face of the hill was on fire, threatening every thatched hut with destruction. The conflagration was with much difficulty (not-withstanding the exertions of the military) got under, after some time, and prevented from doing any further mischief. At different times during this uncomfortable day distant thunder was heard, the air darkening, and some few large drops of rain fell. The apparent danger from the fires drew all persons out of their houses; and on going into the parched air, it was scarcely possible to breathe; the heat was insupportable; vegetation seemed to suffer much, the leaves of many culinary plants being reduced to powder. The thermometer in the shade rose above one hundred degrees. Some rain falling towards evening, the excessive heat abated.
At Parramatta and Toongabbie also the heat was extreme; the country there too was every where in flames. Mr. Arndell was a great sufferer by it. The fire had spread to his farm; but by the efforts of his own people and the neighbouring settlers it was got under, and its progress supposed to be effectually checked, when an unlucky spark from a tree, which had been on fire to the topmost branch, flying upon the thatch of the hut where his people lived, it blazed out; the hut with all the out-buildings, and thirty bushels of wheat just got into a stack, were in a few minutes destroyed. The erecting of the hut and out-houses had cost fifteen pounds a short time before.
The day preceding that of the excessive heat, James Castles, an industrious and thriving settler at Prospect Hill, had his hut accidentally burnt down, with all his comforts, and three bushels of wheat which he had just reaped. The Governor ordered his hut to be rebuilt, and every assistance given which the stores afforded to repair his loss.For the month of February, 1796, Collins recorded:
During one or two hot days in this month the shrubs and brushwood about the west point of the cove caught fire, and burnt within a few yards of the magazine. On its being extinguished, the powder was removed for a few days on board the Supply, until some security against any future accident of that kind could be thrown up round the building. (Vol. 1,p. 384)
As Governor, Hunter reported to Sir Joseph Banks on 10th June, 1797:
... I am sorry, my Lord, to add to this letter that we have this last summer experienc'd the weather so excessively sultry and dry that from the very parch'd state of the earth every strong wind has occassioned conflagrations of astonishing extent, from some of which much public and much private property has been destroy'd. Some of the settlers have been ruin'd by losing the whole produce of their harvest after it had been stack'd and secur'd; others have lost not only their crops, but their houses, barns, and a part of their live stock, by the sudden manner in which the fire reach'd their grounds. Trains of gunpowder cou'd scarcely have been more rapid in communicating destruction, such was the dry'd and very combustable state of every kind of vegitation, whether grass or tree. The loss of Government has been about 800 bushels of wheat, and we are now, for want of grass, oblig'd to feed some of our cattle with grain; but the expence through this necessity will be but small, as the young grass will soon be up. The people in general have been too careless in securing their crops when reap'd against those vast and tremendous blazes to which this country in its present state is so liable in dry and hot summers. It is to be presum'd that such experience will in future produce more care; and I shall not fail, in such seasons, to remind them in Public Orders of the necessity of greater attention to concerns of so much value. As we clear and lay open the country we shall get the better of such accidents; in the meantime their frequency this last summer has been very alarming, and their appearance truely dreadfull. I was call'd out at night lately at Parramatta, and inform'd that a vast fire was quickly approaching a field in which Government had several stacks of wheat. All the men who cou'd be found were order'd out. The field was near a mile out of town. I went thither myself. The night was dark, the wind high, and the fire, from its extent, and the noise it made thro' lofty blazing woods, was truly terrible; and we were busily employ'd in thrashing it out... (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 3, pp. 219-20)
Collins provided further detail, including allegations of arson, when commenting for the month of January, 1797:
The governor, on his return from this excursion, had the mortification of seeing a stack, containing about eight hundred bushels of wheat, burnt to the ground. This happened at Toongabbie, near which place the country was every where in flames, and where, unfortunately, much wheat belonging to government was stacked. The fire broke out about eight o'clock in the evening; the wind was high, the night extremely dark, and the flames had mounted to the very tops of the lofty woods which surrounded a field called the ninety acres, in which were several stacks of wheat. The appearance was alarming, and the noise occasioned by the high wind, and the crackling of the flames among the trees, contributed to make the scene truly awful.
It became necessary to make every effort to save this field and its contents. The gaol-gang, who worked in irons, were called out, and told, that if the wheat was saved by their exertion, their chains should be knocked off. By providing every man with a large bush, to beat off the fire as it approached the grain over the stubble, keeping up this attention during the night, and the wind becoming moderate towards morning, the fire was fortunately kept off, and the promise to the gaol-gang was not forfeited.
Although at this season of the year there were days when, from the extreme heat of the atmosphere, the leaves of many culinary plants growing in the gardens have been reduced to powder, yet there was some ground for supposing that this accident did not arise from either the heat of the weather, or the fire in the woods. The grain that was burnt was the property of the government, and the destruction of eight hundred bushels of wheat made room for that quantity to be received into the stores from the settlers who had wheat to sell to the commissary; there were, moreover, at this time, some ill-designing people in the country, who were known not to have much regard for the concerns of the public. An enquiry was set on foot to discover, if possible, the perpetrators of this mischief; but nothing could be made of it.
... Some heavy rain fell during the first and latter parts of the month, which it was hoped would extinguish the still glowing embers of the vast fires which had surrounded the place, and which, being scattered over the country every dry and windy day, occasioned new and dreadful conflagrations. (Vol. 2, pp. 12, 13 & 17)The following Government and General Order was issued on 24th November, 1797:
The harvest being now in its commencement throughout the different districts of the colony, the Governor judges it necessary to remind those who are particularly engaged in it, of the accidents which befel so many last year from the very careless manner in which they attended to the security of their wheat-stacks from fire. He therefore recommends that to their particular attention in the present season to be cautious by enclosing their stacks with a paling or wattle hedge, or any means which may stop the progress of fire, and to hoe up or clean rake the ground and dig a small ditch at some distance round their grain and dwellings.
These precautions, which will not be attended with much labor, may serve to prevent those losses by which so many suffered severely last year... (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 3, p. 309)Collins recorded for August, 1798:
The weather in the last month was remarked to be uncommonly cold. In the latter part of this it was excessively sultry, and the wind high, which set many parts of the country on fire, and destroyed some property. The surveyor-general's house, and every article in it, was consumed by one of those conflagrations. (Vol. 2, p. 90)The Duke of Portland wrote to Governor Hunter on 18th September, 1798, (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 3, p. 491) instructing:
It is with great regret I observe the loss which has been sustained by the Crown and individuals in consequence of the grass or herbage of the country being set fire to by the natives.
In order to remedy so alarming an evil in future, it occurs to me that it will be proper to oblige all persons holding farms adjoining to the waste and uncultivated lands to be kept plowed up so much thereof, between the cultivated part and the waste, as shall be judged sufficient to stop the progress of the fire from the latter. It will also be highly proper to take the same precaution with regard to all lands belonging to the Crown, and, in addition thereto, to make a wide trench or ditch where the situation will allow of it.Another Government and General Order was issued on 10th December, 1798, reminding settlers of the danger of fire and advising measures to reduce the risk, including the words "Fencing in, digging a ditch, hoeing and raking the ground around their stacks, will, no doubt, be highly advantageous" (H.R.N.S.W. vol. 3, p. 514)
Collins recorded, for December, 1798:
The wheat harvest being over, and the country, as happened generally at this season of the year, every where on fire, those who were engaged in farming were reminded of the necessity of their exerting themselves by every practicable means to secure their crops, when stacked, against accident by fire. As yet, none had been heard of. In the early part of the month Farenheit's (sic) thermometer at the Hawkesbury stood at 107o (degrees) in the shade.
The following month, Collins wrote:
Agricultural concerns at this time wore a most unpromising appearance. The wheat proved little better than straw or chaff; and the maize was burnt up in the ground for want of rain. From the establishment of the settlement, so much drought and suffocating heat had not been experienced. The country was now in flames; the wind northerly and parching; and some showers of rain, which fell on the 7th, were of no advantage, being immediately taken up again by the excessive heat of the sun.
... Agricultural concerns wore as unpromising an appearance in this as in the last month. The governor, in a visit which he made to Parramatta, found that the pasture over the whole country had been entirely burnt up; in consequence of which the grazing cattle were in great distress; and, from the lamentable continuance of the drought, the maize was every where likely to fail: a misfortune that would ruin the stock of hogs, and reduce the settlement considerably in the article of bread. (Vol. 2, pp. 100, 102 & 140)Governor Hunter reported to the Duke of Portland on 1st May, 1799, (H.R.N.S.W.. vol. 3, p. 665):
...I can scarcely say that we have had a shower of rain for the last ten months. Our maize crops have completely fail'd us from that cause, and this will occasion a great reduction in our stock of swine. The wheat harvest has not turn'd out more than one-third of what, from the quantity of ground sown with that grain, we had a right to have expected had the season been moderately favourable. The whole country has been a blaze of fire, our pasturage for a time destroy'd, and the streams of fresh water almost exhausted; this occasions the whole of our grazing cattle to suffer much, still I am in hope our loss from these unfortunate circumstances will not be so great as might be expected.
The drought was broken in the first week of June, 1799, by very heavy southerly winds and rainstorms. (postscript to the above letter)
Collins reported, for February, 1799:
The great drought and excessive heat had affected the water. Such ponds as still retained any were reduced so very low, that most of them were become brackish, and scarcely drinkable. From this circumstance, it was conjectured, that the earth contained a large portion of salt, for the ponds even on the high ground were not fresh. The woods between Sydney and Parramatta were completely on fire, the trees being burnt to the tops, and every blade of grass was destroyed....
March] The dry weather which had so long prevailed, to the great detriment of the cultivated and pasture grounds, was succeeded by rain for two or three days, which greatly refreshed the gardens that were nearly wholly burnt up, and every where revived the perishing vegetation. At the Hawkesbury, however, an accident occurred, which, although not so ruinous to the colony at large as the drought, proved most destructive to the settlers in that district. The river suddenly, and in the course of a very few hours, swelled to the height of fifty feet above its common level, and with such rapidity and power as to carry every thing before it. The government store-house, which had been erected at the first settling of this part of the country, was not out of the reach of this inundation, and was swept away, with all the provisions that it contained. Many of the inhabitants were taken off from the ridges of their houses, by a few boats which they fortunately had among them, just in time to save their lives; for most of the dwellings were inundated, and the whole country appeared like an extensive lake. Many hogs, other live stock, poultry, with much of the produce of the last unfortunate harvest, and the domestic effects of the people, were hurried away by the torrent. Fortunately only one life was lost.
This was a most serious calamity; and, no cause having appeared to indicate an approaching overflow of the river, the settlers were not prepared for such a disaster. It was said, that the natives foresaw it, and advised the inhabitants; but this wanted confirmation. If true, the trait was a favourable one. There could, however, be no doubt, that, unperceived by our people, a heavy fall of rain had taken place in the interior of the country, among the mountains, and which, from the parched state of the land for such a length of time, had in no part been absorbed, but ran down the sides of the hills, as from mountains of solid rock, filling all the low grounds, and branches of the river, which, being in form suddenly serpentine, could not give vent so fast as the waters descended. (Vol. 2, p. 143)Postscript:
On 2nd November, 1806, Governor Bligh found it necessary to issue a Government and General Order proclaiming the necessity of complying with earlier regulations designed to prevent fires, stating:
The Governor deems it necessary to recommend to cultivators to take great care of their stacks and property against the fires that are now in the country, and to require an exact obedience of the Order of 15th October, 1801.
'No person whatever is to set fire to any stubble without giving his neighbours sufficient notice, and not then until every person is prepared by having their wheat stacked and secured.'
Should any person neglect this necessary regulation, and any property destroyed thereby, they will, on conviction, be obliged to make good all losses sustained by such neglect.
No persons whatever are to smoke pipes or light fires near any wheat stacks, public or private. (HRNSW Vol. 6, pp. 198-9)TOBACCO: ITS CULTIVATION, IMPORT DUTIES, AND THE ECONOMY
The Right Hon. Henry Dundas wrote to Governor Phillip on 15th May, 1792, stating:
...There will likewise by this or the next opportunity be consigned to you, a certain quantity of port wine and tobacco, to be disposed of by the Governor for the time being to the civil and military officers, and to others, at prime cost, according to his discretion; at the same time will be sent an allowance of rum for the non-commissioned officers and privates. (HRA ser. 1,vol. 1, p. 355) A similar dispatch was sent on 14th July, 1792. (HRA ser. 1, vol. 1, p.366)
The settlers of the Field of Mars complained to Governor Hunter on 19th February, 1798:
Tobacco. - This is an article that is more in use in this colony than even in Virginia, where it grows; ye consumption in one yr. amounts to some thousands of pounds. A wholesale dealer in this colony purchases it at from eightpence to one shilling and sixpence per pound, yet, shameful to be told, he never retails it at less than five shillings per pound, and at this moment none can be had for less than from ten shillings or fifteen shillings per pound, and still there is abundance in the colony. (HRA ser. 1, vol. 2, p. 137)
Governor Hunter reported on 7th January, 1800, that the price of tobacco was ten shillings per pound. (HRA ser. 1, vol. 2, p. 435)
Governor King noted on 1st October, 1800:
There being a quantity of tobacco engaged by Governor King from the master of the American ship John Jay, and now lodged in the public stores, those who are approved of may have a proportion thereof on paying one shilling and threepence per lb. in money or Government bills, on or before next Friday, when the remainder will be purchased on account of Government, after which it will be charged at 2s. per lb.; application to be made to David D. Mann. (HRA ser. 1, vol. 2, p. 621-23)
King reported on 8th October, 1800, that, of the 8,500 lbs. of tobacco on the John Jay, 7,100 lb. had been paid for by individuals at the rate of 1s. 3d. per lb., and that the remainder of 1,400 lb. had been received into Government stores to be supplied to Settlers at the rate of 2s. 6d. per pound in exchange for grain, animal food. (ibid. p. 682)
The Sydney Gazette of 15th December, 1805, recorded:
A person who has been employed in preparing a track on the Banks of Hawkesbury for the culture of tobacco, acquaints us that he has within the last two months planted several acres of the best seed that could be procured, and that some of the plants have already attained to the height of nearly two feet. This is not the only experiment of growing tobacco that has been made, as we understand many of the Settlers have also applied themselves to the propagation of this useful plant.
The actual scarcity of the above article, owing to non arrival, has doubt-less been the inducement to its plantation here; and if the project should prove successful, the result of the experiment will be highly advantageous, not only by insuring a supply of an article by habitude rendered necessary, but also by saving to the colony the sums expended upon its importation.Surgeon Luttrell reported to Under Secretary Sullivan on 8th October, 1807:
Tobacco might be raised in large quantities, which also takes a considerable sum from the colony for the purchase of Brazilian tobacco; but the culture of it has not been attempted, in great measure from the poverty of the settlers, not being able to raise buildings for the drying and curing of it, and from the number of hands necessary in its culture. (HRNSW vol. 6, p. 295)
Governor Macquarie wrote to Earl Bathurst on 15th May, 1818, informing him that a tax on tobacco had been introduced, and that his expectation was that considerable revenue could result from this source in the near future:
...The very trifling duty of Sixpence per lb. on Tobacco, with which I have commenced taxing of that foreign Luxury, is by no Means equal to what it would very well bear; but as a first Duty, I have thought it most advisable to make it so small as not to produce any Sensible effect on the Minds of Consumers. At no very distant day, it may be encreased (sic) to a level with the Duty in England itself; and the Revenue, thence resulting, will form a very Considerable addition to Our internal Resources. Another object from this Duty will be also promoted for the Benefit of the Colony, which is that it will probably Stimulate Our Own people to Cultivate the Tobacco Plant, which at present grows here most luxuriantly and only requires the hand of care and attention to render it fully equal to our internal Consumption at least. (HRA ser.1, vol. 9, p. 773)
Macquarie advised Earl Bathurst on 21st July, 1821:
Herewith I do myself the honour to send Your Lordship a small Tin Box containing a Specimen of the Tobacco raised on the Government Farm on Emu Plains, and which I have had manufactured and Dressed by a Man on the Spot. (HRA ser. 1, vol. 10, p. 533)The Government Planter of Tobacco was Charles Dodding, who received an annual salary of thirty pounds per annum. (ibid. p. 582)
Macquarie's earlier prediction about the ability to raise even more revenue from a duty on tobacco was to prove accurate. Earl Bathurst notified Governor Brisbane, on 10th September, 1822, that an Act of Parliament had imposed the levying of certain Duties in New South Wales, including a "Duty of Four Shillings per pound on Tobacco" (HRA ser. 1, vol. 10, pp. 792-3)
REPORTS OF A POSSIBLE FRENCH INVASION OF THE HAWKESBURY.
Earl Bathurst, in a dispatch marked "Separate and Secret" dated 19th August, 1813, (and acknowledged by Macquarie on 30th April, 1814), provided Governor Macquarie with an Intelligence report on a possible invasion of the colony by a joint French and American military force.
Bathurst stated that the source of the information was "a Dane named Jorgensen", who had served with the British in the Pacific.England was at war at the time both with the French under Bonaparte and the Americans during the War of 1812. Napoleon was forced to abdicate on 6th April, 1814, and was sent to Elba. He did not return to France until May, 1815. In North America, the British burnt the Capital and White House. The final battle of the War of 1812, the Battle of New Orleans, was fought on 8th January, 1815, three weeks after the peace treaty was signed.
Bathurst gave little credence to the reports, stating :
The doubtful Character of this Individual, the greater improbability of the plan itself, and the still greater improbability of such a Person being minutely acquainted with its Details, supposing it to be in Agitation, have led H.M.'s Government to refuse any Credit to the information. They have nevertheless thought it proper to communicate it to you, in order that you may not be ignorant of any thing which may possibly affect the Welfare and Security of the Colony under your Charge.
The information provided stated "the fr. Troops will be under the orders of a Ct. Dillon, and Col. Degraieres, nephew of Gen. Lefebre who is now in America."
Reasons stated to be behind the proposed invasion were the strategic location of the colony in relation to Spanish commerce between the Philippines and Spain's American possessions ; the commercial benefits derived from the fisheries, whaling and the seal-fur trade, (Sperm Oil was estimated to be worth 600,000 Pounds annually to Britain) ; the ready availability of timber for ship-building ; the availability of Sugar Cane, Pearl and Sandle-Wood (sic), all of which could be readily marketed in China ; and "the fertility of the lands about the River Hawkesbury and other parts of New South Wales, cultivated by industrious Settlers, insure an easy Supply of Grain and other Provisions to the Inhabitants of the New Colonies".
The report continued that Bonaparte, "ever attentive to all that can in any shape prove injurious to British commerce", had sent the two French brigs, the Geograph and the Naturalist, under Captain Baudin, "to espy the Situation of the English Colonies in New South Wales". On Baudin's return to France, "Bonaparte heard with astonishment and was vexed to learn that, whilst he made every attempt to destroy British Commerce in Europe, new resources were open to the trade of Great Britain, and colonies established, which might at no very distant period become an Empire powerful enough to exclude all other nations from fisheries, trade, and commerce of the vast and extensive Seas beyond Cape Horn". The report added that Bonaparte considered that events in the western hemisphere favoured had now produced the best time for this venture:There are now four French frigates fitting out, and almost ready for Sea, lying in a port of France belonging to the Rochefort Squadron, mostly commanded by those Officers who attended Captain Baudin on his Expedition to the South-Seas. It is determined that they shall sail from their port about the Month of November, the Winter Season being by far the most favourable for making an escape unnoticed. Each frigate will take on board 250 soldiers, and in all 25 horse. Thence they are to proceed with all speed towards the Falkland Islands, near the Straits of Magellan, there to await the arrival of an American frigate and a Storeship, which will leave America about the same time to join the French. The French frigates are accompanied by two Americans, named Kelly and Coleman, who have for years been engaged in South Seas Whalers, and who know the South Seas and the Coasts very well. Being joined by the Americans the whole Squadron will proceed Round the Cape of Good Hope keeping well to the Southward, for fear of the Cruizers from that place, and make for Basses' Straits ; In case of Separation Twofold Bay on the Coast of New Holland is destined to be the place of Rendezvous, either to meet or recruit the troops in case of Sickness. The American frigate will take on board 300 men. After recruiting the troops in Twofold Bay, the Expedition is immediately to proceed to Port Jackson and attack that place ; but as there is a large battery on the North Shore of Port Jackson, and a battery on the point going into Sydney Cove, it is deemed advisable for the Squadron to proceed to Broken Bay, there to anchor, and proceed up with the troops, horse and Artillery, the River Hawkesbury, to effect a landing, so to cut off the Settlers on the River from Sidney (sic), and to obtain possession of the Wheat and Grain ; Parramatta of course must fall. 1,500 Stand of Arms are to be delivered into the hands of such First Convicts who are willing to join the French. It is also proposed that, if circumstances will permit it, a detachment of 250 men should be landed in Botany Bay, to make a diversion in favour of the Main division ; but as there are many marshes about that place much care is to be taken to run no risk, and rather than do that, all the troops are to be landed up the River Hawkesbury. Immediately after capturing the place several of the frigates are to proceed to sea : one will visit the friendly and Society Islands, and bestow many fine presents on the Chiefs, to display much power and to endeavour to give the Natives very mean Ideas of the English and exalted notions of the French Emperor. Two or Three frigates are to proceed without delay to South America, where they are to endeavour to persuade the Insurgents to declare for Joseph... (H.R.A. series 1, vol. 8 , pp 72-77)
It must be remembered that there were a large number of Irish convicts in the colony, that Castle Hill Rebellion had occurred in 1804 and that Governor Bligh was convinced that another large scale Irish convict rebellion was being planned in 1807.
As stated earlier, Macquarie acknowledged receipt of the despatch on 30th April, 1814. Napoleon Bonaparte had been forced to abdicate on 6th April of that year. There is no evidence that a joint French and American operation had actually ever been planned, and the invasion certainly never occurred, but the warning of the possible vulnerability of the colony to an invasion through the Hawkesbury could have influenced Macquarie's development policy regarding the Hawkesbury.
Macquarie's report to Earl Bathurst dated 22nd July, 1822, lists Windsor as the third town of the colony, following Sydney and Parramatta. This ranking is supported by the number of public buildings in the town and the road network leading to the Hawkesbury. The buildings listed include a "Brick-Built Barrack...for Fifty Soldiers, enclosed with a Stockade".
One can only speculate on reasons behind Macquarie's actionsMATRIMONIAL OVERTURE
SYDNEY GAZETTE
10th December, 1809- Wanted, an agreeable lady to approach the Holy Alter in communion with the lonely Advertiser, whose circumstances in life are neither above want nor beneath extravagance. The lady's years, if past the climacteric, are requested not to exceed seventy-one or two; the Advertiser being in the animating bloom of Eighty-five; a season when the passions promise to endure durante vitae. - Although a foe to sordid notions, yet the Advertiser, more inclined to Platonic than tempestuous love, considers it convenient to suggest that a little wealth will not diminish the lustre of the lady's charms, since, time immemorial, few matrimonial contracts have been entered into in which the golden deity have not been more candidly consulted than the god of love, whose arrows wound no more. - Unwilling to put modesty to the blush by requiring a personal interview prior to the conclusion of the treaty, the interference of a friend will be accepted; and, sight unseen, if the circumstances of the fair one answer contract, and the overhanging shades of Bardo-Narrang, a line left at the Gazette Office will find attention from the ever constant.
Note: Bardo-narrang was the name of the Pitt Town area before Governor Macquarie proclaimed the township on 6th December, 1810.
Other localities in the Hawkesbury (prior to the proclamation of the five towns by Macquarie in 1810) are referred to in Sydney Gazette. Included are Green Hills, South Creek, Richmond Hill, Caddi (also spelt Cattai, Caddie and Cat-eye), Portland Head and Down the River. (see also H.R.N.S.W. vol. 7, p. 156)
SALE OF WIFE AT WINDSOR
By a letter from Windsor, dated the 10th Instant, we have been favoured with an account of a most disgraceful transaction which has lately taken place there, and we feel it a duty owing to Society to give it public notoriety, as well for the purpose of exposing the parties themselves to the contempt and disgrace which they have so highly incurred, as also to put the ignorant and abandoned on their guard against the commission of a crime which every sense of manhood should revolt from with detestation.
A person ( for a man I cannot call him ) of the name of Ralph Malkins, led his lawful wife into our streets on the 28th ultimo, with a rope round her neck, and publicly exposed her for sale ; and, shameful to be told, another fellow, equally contemptible, called Thomas Quire, actually purchased and paid for her on the spot, sixteen pounds in money, and some yards of cloth. I am sorry to add, that the woman herself was so devoid of those feelings which are most valuable in her sex, agreed to the base traffic, and went off with the purchaser, significantly hinting, that she had no doubt her new possessor would make her a better than the wretch she had parted from. This business was conducted in so public a manner, and so outraged all laws human and divine, that a Bench of Magistrates, consisting of Mr. Cox, the Rev. Mr. Cartwright, and Mr. Mileham, had it publicly investigated on Saturday last, and all the odious circumstances having been clearly proved, and even admitted by the wretches themselves, the Bench sentenced this no-man to receive 50 lashes, and to put hard labour in irons in the gaol gang at Sydney for the space of three calendar months; and the woman to be transported to the Coal River for an indefinite time.
The public indignation at so gross a violation of decency was most unequivocally expressed, by the acclamations with which the sentence was received by the numerous concourse of people who assembled to know the event of so extraordinary and unprecedented a business - Their feelings were worthy of Men, and judging from them, I trust with confidence that the recurrence of such a crime will not take place here at least for the present generation. The laudable promptitude with which our Magistrates took up their business, and the quantum of punishment (still less than they deserve) which they pronounced, will, I have no doubt, produce the most salutary effect throughout the Colony, and check the progress of a crime, which if persevered in, would degrade the Inhabitants, and entail perpetual disgrace on their children and families.
(Sydney Gazette - 14th September, 1811 - supplement).VIOLENT ROBBERY IN THE DISTRICT OF PITT TOWN
as reported in the SYDNEY GAZETTE
of Friday, April 8, 1822A housebreaking depredation has been lately committed on the premises of James M'Kenzie, a settler on the banks of the Hawkesbury, by four ruffians, which was accompanied by an act of horrible cruelty. The poor owner of the house, upon refusing to discover where his money (which was not immediately on hand) was secreted, had a fire-brand made fast to his back, which remained long enough to burn into his kidneys. The miscreants, thinking their hapless victim could not linger long, or was upon the eve of expiring, conveyed him some distance from the house near to the water, with the intention of secreting the body, but supposing his end was near, apprehension led them to decamp. The object of their cruelty, however, effected a return to the house as well as he was able, and an alarm was given. It must afford general satisfaction to know, that all the villains, so goes our information from respectable authority, are actually in custody; and that one of them is admitted an evidence for the Crown. Poor M'Kenzie is still alive."
Friday, May 3, 1822.
"WEDNESDAY. Yesterday, Thomas Roach, William Varley, John Maloney, and John Carroll, were indicted for burglariously breaking and entering the dwellinghouse of James M'Kenzie, settler of Caddi, in the district of Pitt Town, on the night of 19th March last, but owing to sudden indisposition of one of the Members of the Honourable Court, the prisoners were necessarily remanded to this day, when they were again placed at the bar, at twelve o'clock."
Thomas Faulkner, crown servant to the prosecutor, deposed, that about midnight on the day of the month named, his master's house was suddenly broken into, by the door being forced by a gang of ruffians, who immediately proceeded to acts of extreme violence. The witness stated that he was awoke by the noise, and that the fire was still burning, but which was instantly endeavoured to be extinguished by one of the burglars, a short man, who threw water upon it; that one man he found at his feet, who commanded him against moving, upon pain of instant death, by whom he was completely enveloped in a blanket, and that so successfully as to prevent his noticing any of the men. He soon heard them, that what the house afforded they were at liberty to avail themselves of the opportunity of taking; but, as regards cash, he had none. They then said they were determined on finding his money; and very shortly after he heard some of the robbers procure either some bark or paper, with which they enkindled the fire, and directly after, his master shouted and groaned most hideously and pitiably. All this time the witness could not see, but still he was warranted in saying they were burning his unfortunate master from the steps which were pursued. As the object of those robbers was not death, but merely to extort confession as to a supposed sum of money, M'Kenzie was speedily released from the coals, and again interrogated as to the money; still he persisted in the same answer, and they continued beating him unmercifully with a rope. Finding success was not consequent upon their maltreating the wretched man with the rope, and any weapon that could come within their grasp, once more the fire was lighted, and M'Kenzie was again consigned to the horrible fiery torments. This excruciating agony being more than humanity could endure, the witness declared his master was soon silent, when he heard them drag him off the fire, and received no answer to further repeated enquiries respecting money, recourse was had to beating again. Coming too, in the course of a few minutes, the robbers, determined on accomplishing their object, again questioned him as to where his money was secreted; and, upon being told there was abundance of every thing (money excepted) to which they were welcome, they proceeded beating him, saying they would follow up the infliction of such torture till sun-rise. Shortly after this, M'Kenzie was drawn out of the house, and the witness was left with one of the party, who remained with him as sentinel. His atrocious associates were not long before they returned, but without M'Kenzie; the witness was then bound hand and foot, and desired not to move for a certain period, under penalty of the consequences. The witness could distinguish four distinct voices; they were particular in enquiring whether he knew any of them, to which he replied in the negative; in case any of them should be recognised, certain death would await him, if detection occurred through his means. He informed the Court that he had no view of either of their faces; and upon being directed to look at the prisoners at the bar, he declared his incompetency to identify their persons. In about half-an-hour after the ferocious gang had decamped, his poor master came crawling into the house; he succeeded in gaining the fire-side, in unutterable agony, where he remained to day-break. The witness further deposed, that his master repeatedly urged him to go and give the alarm to his brother, at a contiguous farm, but that he was unable to comply therewith until nearly morning, as he was occupied the remainder of the night in delivering himself from the bandages of cord with which his hands and feet were bound.
James M'Kenzie, the prosecutor, was next examined. He was allowed the indulgence of a chair near to the Members, as he is yet in a most deplorable condition. Being asked by His Honor the JUDGE ADVOCATE if he knew, upon oath, the men that robbed his house, he replied "four of them"; and, that he "knew them all the time"; their names he said were (pointing to three of the prisoners) Roach, Varley, and Maloney, together with the approver Lenaghan. As near as he could recollect, it was about 11 at night when he arose in his bed by reason of the noise occasioned by the bursting-in of the door, and no sooner was he up, than he was knocked down, and immediately covered with a blanket. He stated there was the remains of a large fire in the room, but that, independent of the light derived from that source, he was able by a fine starlight night to obtain a full view of the three prisoners named, as well as the approver (Lenaghan); and this was owing to the blanket not remaining over his eyes. M'Kenzie once gained his feet, and defended himself for some time in that position, till he received a blow upon the left knee from the prisoner Roach with a hoe, which felled him to the ground. This prisoner demanded his money, as well as Maloney; and the unfortunate man also declared he had none. Some coals were then taken from the fireplace, and fuel was laid on them, and when the fire began to blaze, poor M'Kenzie was placed upon it; his hands were now tied by Varley. While suffering this state of horrible torture, the prisoner Roach again asked him for his money, but the object of such infernal cruelty was then insensible to what passed around him. He recovered in a short time sufficiently to discover he had been taken off the fire; and they urged upon him the necessity of complying with their demands, and at once giving up his money; he simply said he had none, when Maloney told him they well knew he had two hundred and fifty pounds, and have it they were determined. Some fresh bark was obtained, the fire was again enkindled; and, dismaying to relate, the unhappy man, poor M'Kenzie, was once more committed to the flames. As well as he was able, he informed the Court, that nature became exhausted from the intensity of suffering, as the intervals of burning were filled up by beating him with a rope and hoe. The robbers were about an hour and a half on the premises altogether, during which time the above system of barbarous cruelty had been unceasingly practiced upon unfortunate M'Kenzie. When he again recovered, the prosecutor stated, that he found that he had been conveyed down to his stock-yard, in the way to a creek running below his farm; it was only a short distance from the house. Lenaghan, the approver, stood by him, who took a rope from his neck, loosened some of the cords about him, and felt over his body with the remains of seeming commiseration; indeed, the prosecutor said, that it was the approver's acting as he then did, that his life was spared. Lenaghan soon after left him, and he then tried to walk, but found that his left leg had been broken by the blow given by Roach from the hoe. However, he managed to crawl to the house, where he lay by the fire-side, in inconceivable agony, till day-light, before assistance could be rendered him, as his servant (Faulkner) was unable to release himself from the cord with which he was bound. Upon being questioned again as to the prisoners at the bar being the men who had thus treated him, he swore that Roach, Varley, and the approver Lenaghan, were the identical men.
Michael Lenaghan, crown servant to the prisoner Maloney, and approver in this case, deposed that the prisoners at the bar, with himself, were the men that committed the robbery. He said, that the prisoner Varley was the first that disclosed the plan of plundering M'Kenzie to him, and that occurred about two months before it took place. Several conferences had been held upon the occasion; and the principal reason that it had been so long deferred was, that Carroll and Varley were near becoming free again, and they intended to make the best of their way home after the robbery, as great expectations were formed upon a successful issue. The prisoner Varley was government servant to the prisoner Roach, and the approver Lenaghan was also servant, as had been stated, to the prisoner Maloney; the prisoner Carroll lived near to the other prisoners; and the whole five were in the neighbourhood of James M'Kenzie. Varley and Carroll actually became free about the time of the robbery. On the evening of the cruel transaction, the approver and prisoners set out from Maloney's house; two went one road, and three another. They arrived in view of M'Kenzie's farm, where a stout resistance was expected, as it was said he would not readily be induced to deliver up his money. Varley proposed half-drowning; Maloney beating; and Roach burning, in order to extort confession. Roach and Varley first entered the house by breaking in the door, the others followed. Here the approver corroborated the testimony, as near as possible, of James M'Kenzie, whose evidence was borne out, even in its most minute points, so as to divest the auditor of every doubt as to the positive crimination of the prisoners at the bar. The only circumstance of variance was , Faulkner, the first witness, heard but four voices; M'Kenzie swore only to four men, not seeing any more; but the approver Lenaghan swore to five; and that John Carroll was the fifth. The next witness called wasW'M COX, Esq. Senior Magistrate at Windsor, who deposed that the approver Lenaghan had not deviated in the testimony given before him at Windsor, but that, given on this day's trial, perfectly accorded with, and confirmed that adducted at Windsor. This Gentleman also related to the Court the wretched state in which M'Kenzie reached Windsor on the day after the robbery; as also, that he then criminated the prisoners Roach and Varley, who were immediately apprehended. Two or three days expired before the prosecutor became induced to accuse others, whom he declared he knew to be accomplices in the crime; but at length he informed the Magistracy that Maloney, and his servant Lenaghan, were two of the party who had been engaged in the most atrocious act of cruelty ever presented to a Court of Justice on this side of the globe. Mr. Cox said, that M'Kenzie stated Maloney was a neighbour, and that from his apparent sorrow for the offence, in so kindly attending him subsequently to the transaction, that he felt a wish, if possible, to screen him, but that he was prompted to relate the secret to his brother, John M'Kenzie, who immediately, and properly, gave information on the same; when Maloney and Lenaghan were taken into custody. After several examinations, Lenaghan was admitted as the approver. The prosecution now closed.
Mr. Solicitor Rowe, on the part of the prisoners, called witnesses to prove an alibi in favour of three of them; viz. Carroll, Varley, and Roach; but the evidence was wholly inefficient to go further than unsupported allegation; neither time, place, or in fact hardly the day, could be proved.
John Murrell, a very old man, was called on behalf of the prisoners. His evidence went to incriminate the approver Lenaghan, and two other men, named John Hoskisson and Dennis Barry. Upon the admission of Lenaghan as an approver, John Hoskisson went forward to Mr. Cox, the Magistrate at Windsor, and tendered a voluntary and unsolicited declaration of the whole affair, as he termed it. This confession enumerated many particulars relative to the robbery, but which it was evident could only have been obtained from the examination of Lenaghan and the circulating reports, and then ingeniously mingled together, with trifling necessary variation. Hoskisson stated in his confession, which was read by His Honor the JUDGE ADVOCATE, that the approver Lanaghan, one Dennis Barry, and himself, were the actual perpetrators of the robbery and cruelties with which the other prisoners were charged, and that they (the four prisoners at the bar) were consequently innocent. The usual vigilance and scrutinizing eye of the Windsor Magistracy was not, however, to be thwarted in their primary commitment of the four prisoners, founded as it appeared to be upon such conclusive testimony. The affair was sifted. Dennis Barry, who was implicated by the confession of Hoskisson was satisfactorily proved to be in Windsor streets about 20 minutes before 10, upon the very night of the robbery; of course Hoskisson's statement, as well as Murrell's diabolic villainy, became shaken. The prisoners at the bar who were committed, now became more violent than ever in insisting upon their innocence. Lenaghan was examined and re-examined, his evidence altered not; the testimony of the supposed dying man seemed incapable of variation. Lenaghan swore five men; whereas Hoskisson declared there were only three. In such a case, and so truly important, the glimpse of a doubt was painful. But mark what follows; behold the mystery vanish; and the truth become established. On Friday last Hoskisson once more confesses, but so far from accusing himself and innocent Barry as burglars, of the most dire degree, he then acknowledges to the constable, that the whole story was a fabrication of the Murrell's, and emanating entirely from his fruitful and satanic genius. That he had been induced, at the instance of Murrell, to say and act as he did, in the hope of pecuniary profit, in order to save the lives of four guilty men; and, by so doing, attempt the sacrifice of an innocent man. Murrell greatly prevaricated, suffice to say, in his testimony before the Court.
In refutation of all the assertions made by the above-named witness Murrell, the Court called John Hoskisson, who made a recantation of his Windsor confession, acknowledging that he was unacquainted with the robbery, and that all the information he furnished the Court at Windsor with, was derived from Murrell, who said he had a wish to save the lives of the prisoners; which was then easily to be effected without affecting his (Hoskisson's) life, as the men had been sworn to, and it was then impossible to injure even the real party. Murrell was allowed by the Court to interrogate him, but the questions only tended more strongly to confirm the odium of a character that had never before disgraced the witness box. A scheme could not possibly have been better concerted for depth of depravity than that of Murrell's; but, fortunately for innocent men, as well for the ends of public justice, it had been satisfactorily exploded. The Court retired, and after an absence of about ten minutes, returned with a verdict of Guilty against all the prisoners. Sentence of Death was then passed upon Thomas Roach, William Varley, John Maloney, John Carroll, George King, and James Riley - the two latter prisoners had been convicted on Monday of a burglary. They are to be executed on such a day as His Excellency the Governor (Brisbane) may think proper to direct. The trial lasted eight hours.THURSDAY.- John Murrell, the old and desperate offender who yesterday rendered himself so notorious in the annals of colonial criminal jurisprudence by the exercise of an offence, only to be equalled in blackness of ferocity by those unhappy creatures whose innocence he so unsuccessfully ventured, at any hazard, to advocate, was now placed at the bar for judgement. The sentence of the Court, in this painful instance, is as follows:-
The said John Murrell to be taken from the county gaol, on such day and hour as His Excellency the Governor may direct, to the public market-place at Sydney; to be publicly whipped from thence, at a cart's tail, back to the prison; afterwards, to be conveyed to Windsor, where he is to be publicly whipped, in like manner, at a cart's tail, down George-street in that town - each cart having an affixed board, publishing the nature of his offence; he is then to be imprisoned in Windsor gaol, on bread and water, for the space of 14 days, every day of which he is to stand one hour in Thompson's square, and wear a label describing his crime; and then to be transported to Port Macquarie for the remainder of his sentence.Friday, May 10, 1822. Execution - on Tuesday last were executed, pursuant to their sentence, for robbing the house of James M'Kenzie, of Pitt Town, Thomas Roach, William Varley and John Maloney. The unhappy men loudly persisted in their innocence to the last moment.
1826 : CRIME AND PUNISHMENT IN WINDSOR.
The following extract is taken from the Sydney Gazette of 20th May, 1828, and provides an insight into the workings of the Hawkesbury legal and penal system.
Some of the prisoners convicted by the late Court of Quarter Sessions at Windsor attempted to escape from the gaol on the night of the day on which they received sentence. They had already penetrated an inner wall, and were in the act of boring a hole through the outer brick work when they were discovered by a soldier on duty, who threatened to fire on them, and thus prevented their plot from having effect.
The Magistrates at Windsor have adopted a plan well worthy of imitation, and which we have no doubt would have the effect, in a great degree, of preventing the recurrence of the crime of perjury so frequently committed by persons in giving evidence, not only before the Magistrates, but in the higher Courts. They have caused a pillory* to be erected in front of the Court-house, in which, very lately, two men, who were considered guilty of this most heinous crime, were exhibited for two hours each. This mode of punishment, on account of the publicity, is much more dreaded than whipping inflicted within the walls of the gaol, where, for the most part, the inmates pride themselves in their hardihood, and is likely better calculated to attain the end of all punishment - reformation by example. Immediately over the pillory are posted the words, "For Perjury", in large letters. * A pillory consists of a frame of wood erected on posts, with movable boards and holes, through which are put the head and nands of a criminal for punishment.
A man named Geary, confined some time ago in the gaol at Windsor, under a charge of assault, contrived to effect his escape, and remained for a considerable time at large. A reward was offered for his apprehension, and a day or two previous to the opening of the Quarter Sessions in that town, a person, who was known to be on terms of intimacy with him, surrendered him to justice and received the reward. The opinion prevails that the prisoner, believing that nothing serious would be the consequence of his offence, practiced this scheme in order to obtain a share of the profit arising from his own capture.THE HAWKESBURY AS AN EARLY TOURIST DESTINATION
as reported in the
SYDNEY GAZETTE
31st October, 1828.HAWKESBURY is a far more important spot than we ever could have imagined, and as it is increasing in respectability, it will inevitably increase in importance. Other parts of the country on this side of the mountains may be attractive, but the Hawkesbury decidedly carries away the palm. The town of Windsor has undergone considerable improvement within the last few years, but there still remains a sufficiency of room for improvement. There are scarcely any public buildings worth noticing with the exception of the Church, which is a very handsome edifice, and well fitted up, though it needs a gallery, and some internal alterations for the better. The Parsonage-house is a stately building, and if it, as well as the Church, had not been erected a mile from the town, Windsor would have been embellished, and the people not melted to death in peregrinating to Church. The Windsor Hall of Justice excels every thing of the kind in the Colony, with the exception of the structure in which the Supreme Court is held. The Commissariat require entire new offices. The gaol is as miserable in its appearance, as it is frightful in its character. The Barracks excite no little risibility, inasmuch as they powerfully bring to mind the main guard-house in Sydney. Government-house, or Government-cottage, whichever it may be called, is most enchantingly situated, but it needs re-building. The hospital assumes the appearance of a gaol, and would look well enough for such a building, nevertheless it is by no means despicable for Windsor, and would do well enough for Parramatta, which has hitherto been considered by us the second town in the Colony. So much for the most prominent public buildings of Windsor. With regard to private edifices, here and there some structures present themselves that would not discredit even the capital itself. Mr. FITZGERALD'S house has long rendered Windsor respectable by its commanding appearance. Mr. BAKER has erected a fine looking building, and Mr. JOHN HOWE another, and so on. There are several apparently good inns in and about the town, and as it is believed that some of the Magistracy have an interest in them, more or less, they are tolerably well supplied with the common drinkables, though altogether barren of those luxuries in which travellers are anxious to indulge. The streets are very fair except when the floods come, and then we are told the surrounding country becomes transformed into an ocean. The town of Windsor, from its narrow limits, is more populous than might be imagined, but the fair sex and children infinitely exceed the male population. We had no conception, until lately, of the populousness, not only of Windsor itself, but also of every district within fifteen miles, Pitt Town, Wilberforce, Freeman's Reach, Richmond, and even as far down as Sackville Reach, the country abounds with inhabitants, and as they seem to fulfil the command of the Creator, by "increasing and multiplying", with every possible rapidity, we feel satisfied that Windsor and every district all along its singularly sinuous banks, will necessarily constitute one of the most interesting and important spots in our rising empire. It is true that there are many evils to rectify, and so much good remains to be done; and we have no doubt, as soon as the Government rightly understands the situation of too many of the industrious inhabitants of Windsor, there cannot be a question that the desired and long sought-for reformation will be affected. On the Banks of the Hawkesbury River, there are several noble looking houses presenting themselves to view, and the surrounding scenery, at this time of year, is certainly bewitching. The most enchanting prospect, however, that can possibly be seen in any part of New South Wales, is observable from a range of high land, called the Terrace, which fronts Richmond. In such a spot the mind becomes absorbed in deep interest, and every feeling of admiration is enkindled. Clarendon, the seat of Mr. COX, that veteran Justice of the Peace, is situated in a pretty spot, and presents the appearance of a small town, but the residence of that Gentleman certainly does not answer the expectations of the traveller; for many other farmers, of comparative insignificance, very laudably occupy stately mansions. The town of Richmond has some very good buildings, and promises to become a very interesting quarter. Mr. W. Cox, junior, has recently completed at Hobart Ville, a building, which might be styled a little palace. Mr. BELL, the Police Magistrate of Windsor, has a large establishment at Bellmont*, about nine miles from Windsor, which is said to have the appearance of a little town. We had nearly omitted to state one circumstance which is worthy of remark; on leaving Windsor for Cornwallis, and on the Cornwallis Road, some one or other has thought to erect a private toll-gate, and for several years the poor settlers have been taxed by private individuals for travelling on the King's highway! We think it high time that this, like many other multifarious abuses that have come to our knowledge, should be looked into by the Authorities, and we have no doubt they will meet the accustomed attention from the proper quarters. In the vicinity of Freeman's Reach, which is three or four miles from Windsor, the population and industry are by no means contemptible. Mr. Baldwin, a very old established settler, many years since built a superior looking house; and at about the distance of a mile is prominently conspicuous a charming and commodious cottage, which has been erected within the last two or three years by Mr. John Atkinson, who was formerly a respected and enterprising merchant in the capital, but who, like hundreds of others, considered he could best "ADVANCE AUSTRALIA" by turning his attention to agricultural pursuits, in which, to our no small astonishment, he bids fair to excel. This gentleman's seat, instead of being 'yclept Reiby Farm, should have been most unquestionably designated Hospitality Hall. The price of land in the neighbourhood of the Hawkesbury River, which might, with more propriety have been called the Thames, is from the superior nature of the soil, every day increasing in value, and it is difficult to get the offer of a farm for any thing short of from eight pounds to ten pounds the acre. At the salubrious season of the year, a trip to the Hawkesbury we should suppose, is only to be equalled by a tour to Hunter's River, which has been pronounced to be equally enrapturing, though we have not been personally satisfied of the truth of so flattering an account. We must not be unmindful to observe, that we think the day is not far distant, when the punt, which is at present used as the means of intercourse between Windsor and the opposite districts, will give way to the convenience of a bridge; in the mean time we are of the opinion, by the assistance of a small windlass the punt could be worked with more facility and despatch, and considerably less labour. We have thus compressed a few hasty thoughts with respect to Windsor and some of the surrounding country, and though we are sensible of having heterogeneously expressed ourselves, still we conceive that such an expression of our high gratification would be more acceptable than culpable silence. Generally speaking, the people appear to be kind and attentive, if not liberal in their regards, and some comport themselves to strangers like princes; whilst others, though residing on the banks of a river ever flowing and ever fresh, have either never known, or entirely forgotten, how to invite the weary traveller to partake of a cup of 'cold water', but 'verily they shall have their reward'. We have, en passent, alluded to the existence of certain abuses, to which we should not have adverted, had it not been that we have satisfied ourselves of their existence. But as His Excellency the GOVERNOR has rendered himself universally respected, by stepping forward in the time of need, to mitigate as well as remove the distress of the industrious settler, we know His EXCELLENCY will not allow "the voice of oppression' much longer go undetected. In some future number we will return to this topic."
* Belmont ( the correct spelling) is now the site of St. John of God Hospital at North Richmond. POPULATIONS OF DIFFERENT REGIONS FROM THE CENSUS OF 1825.
Place Children Adults Total Distance Male Female Male Female Length Breadth Appin & Illawarra 43 49 372 98 562 32 10 Argyle 26 25 506 54 601 50 12 Bathurst 55 52 798 64 969 80 20 * 140 140 Campbell Town 87 94 681 172 1,034 15 15 * 32 32 Castlereagh & Evans 88 86 679 187 1,040 10 8 * 63 63 Emu Plains * 163 7 170 Liverpool 187 72 734 139 1,132 16 10 * 210 210 Newcastle 44 61 1,195 171 1,471 150 30 * 202 202 Parramatta 212 249 1,842 1,114 3,417 35 10 * 288 288 Richmond 136 139 738 204 1,216 12 10 * 33 33 Wilberforce 170 169 983 259 1,581 50 12 Windsor & Pitt Town 144 140 1,182 343 1,809 12 10 * 12 12 Sydney 862 855 5,989 2,056 9,762 6 6 * 1,012 1,012 TOTAL 2,408 2,317 24,360 7,261 36,300 * In Government employ at those localities. Note: Not all localities have been included. (HRA ser. 1, vol. 12, pp.317-8)
A RETURN of the Average Attendance of Children at the Public Schools in New South Wales From 1st May to 31st December, 1826.
Name of the School Numbers belonging Average Attendance. to the School. Boys Girls Total Sydney Public School 88 43 15 58 do Infant School 51 18 9 27 do do 130 32 28 60 do do 64 17 25 42 Parramatta 75 38 12 50 Campbell Town 38 9 8 17 Cooke 23 7 9 10 Lower Minto 26 7 7 14 Castlereagh 8 5 2 7 Penrith 35 15 10 25 Liverpool 45 19 12 31 Male Orphan 101 82 ... 82 Female do 129 ... 79 79 Wilberforce 41 17 12 29 Windsor 71 30 19 49 Sackville Reach 22 11 6 17 Richmond 42 16 14 30 Pitt Town 23 12 6 18 Portland Head 13 3 6 9 Field of Mars 13 3 6 9 Dundas 17 5 5 10 Prospect and Seven Hills 14 7 4 11 Newcastle 39 14 13 27 Port Macquarie 46 21 17 38 Morton Bay 16 8 8 16 Bathurst 17 7 5 12 Appin 22 6 4 10 Bringelly 11 3 7 10 Totals 1,220 462 342 804 T. H. Scott, Visitor. (H.R.A. ser. 1, vol. 14, p. 53) SOME OF THE MAJOR LAND GRANTS IN NORTHWESTERN SYDNEY
(1788 TO 1822).
1792 : Richard Atkins - 100 acres - Parramatta.
1794: Capt. John Macarthur _ 100 acres - Parramatta.
1794 : Surgeon John Harris - 110 acres - Parramatta.
1794 : Daniel Kelly - 30 acres - Toongabbie.
1794 : William Cummings - 100 acres - Parramatta.
1794 : Thomas Daveney - 100 acres - Toongabbie.
1795 : Matthew Pearce - 160 acres - Toongabbie.
1796 : Capt. John Townson - 4 acres - Parramatta.
1796 : John Boston - 170 acres - Mulgrave Place.
1797 : Richard Atkinson - 145 acres - Parramatta.
1799 : Surgeon William Balmain - 270 acres - Mulgrave Place.
1799 : Capt. Edward Abbott - 700 acres - Toongabbie.
1799 : Major Joseph Foveaux - 125 acres - Mulgrave Place.
1799 : Major Joseph Foveaux - 980 acres -Toongabbie.
1799 : Lieut. Thomas Hobby - 100 acres - Mulgrave Place.
1799 : William Nash - 180 acres - Mulgrave Place.
1799 : Lieut. Robert Braithwaite - 100 acres - MulgravePlace.
1799 : William Sherwin- 100 acres - Mulgrave Place.
1799 : Charles Griffiths - 100 acres - Toongabbie.
1799 : Michael Nowland - 130 acres- Toongabbie.
1799 : William Browning - 160 acres - Toongabbie.
1799 : Thomas Bradley - 100 acres - Toongabbie.
1799 : Andrew McDougal - 150 acres - Toongabbie.
1799 : John Smith - 150 acres - Toongabbie.
1799 : Jane McManus - 160 acres - Mulgrave Place.
1799 : D'Arcy Wentworth - 140 acres - Parramatta.
1800 : Major Joseph Foveaux - 600 acres - Toongabbie.
1802 : James Vincent - 100 acres - Toongabbie.
1802 : Israel Rayner - 100 acres- Toongabbie.
1802 : James Simpson - 160 acres - Mulgrave Place.
1802 : William Burgess - 150 acres - Mulgrave Place.
1802 : John Dight - 155 acres - Mulgrave Place.
1802 : George Sutter - 186 acres- Toongabbie.
1802 : John Jones - 100 acres- Toongabbie.
1802 : William Bowman - 100 acres- Mulgrave Place.
1802 : Richard Rouse - 100 acres - Mulgrave Place.
1803 : John Jamieson - 100 acres - Toongabbie.
1803 : John Grimes -168 acres - Toongabbie.
1803 : George Best - 185 acres - Toongabbie.
1803 : Benjamin Jones - 200 acres - Mulgrave Place.
1804 : Rev. Samuel Marsden - 1,030 acres - Mulgrave Place.
1804 : Andrew Thompson - 278 acres - Evans (Agnes Banks).
1804 : Andrew Thompson - 260 acres - Mulgrave Place (Nelson).
1804 : Thomas Biggers - 280 acres - Mulgrave Place (Nelson).
1804 : Edward Pugh - 100 acres - Mulgrave Place.
1804 : William and James Cox - 200 acres - Mulgrave Place.
1804 : George William Evans - 459.75 acres - Mulgrave Place.
1804 : Adjutant William Minchin - 280 acres - Mulgrave Place.
1804 : John Pugh - 190 acres - Mulgrave Place.
1804: John Palmer - 380 and 125 acres - Mulgrave Place.
1805 : Surgeon John Harris - 30 acres - Parramatta.
1806 : Garnell Blaxcell - 1,125 acres - Parramatta.
1806 : Matthew Kearns - 100 acres - Upper Nelson.
1806 : William Bligh - 105 acres - Parramatta.
1806 : William Bligh - 1,000 acres - Upper Nelson.
1807 : John Blaxland - 1,290 acres Parramatta.
1808 : D'Arcy Wentworth - 270 acres - Parramatta.
1808 : George Johnston - 2,000 acres - Parramatta (granted by himself).
1808 : Archibald Bell - 500 acres- Richmond Hill.
1808 : Robert Fitz - 600 acres- Upper Nelson.
1808 : D'Arcy Wentworth - 500 acres - Parramatta.
1808 : Capt. John Townson - 50 acres - Parramatta.
1809 : D'Arcy Wentworth - 240 acres - Parramatta.
1809 : D'Arcy Wentworth - 750 acres - Parramatta.
1809 : James Mileham - 500 acres - Upper Nelson.
1809 : William Broughton - 500 acres - Upper Nelson.
1810 : D'Arcy Wentworth - 1,800 acres - Parramatta. (This included the 1799 grant)
1816 : Capt. John Macarthur - 850 acres - Parramatta.
1818 : Rev. Rowland Hassell - 120 acres - Parramatta.
1819 : D'Arcy Wentworth - 2,200 acres - Toongabbie.
1819 : D'Arcy Wentworth - 550 acres - Parramatta.
1821 : Henry Kable- 300 acres - Kurryjong.
This list is not intended to be a complete listing of all grants in northwestern Sydney.BIBLIOGRAPHY
FURTHER READING.
Historical Records of Australia.
Historical Records of New South Wales.
Sydney Gazette.
Australian Dictionary of Biography. Vol. 1 - 2. M.U.P.
Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society.
The Australian Journal of Historical Archeology.
Land Grants 1788 - 1809. R. J. Ryan.
Macquarie Country. D. G. Bowd. 1969.
Hawkesbury Journey. D. G. Bowd. Library of Australian History. 1986.
Pioneers of Portland Head. R. M. Arndell. 1976.
Lachlan Macquarie. Journal of his Tours in New South Wales and Van Dieman's Land.
The Life of Vice-Admiral William Bligh. George Mackaness. 1951.
A Voyage to New South Wales: The Journal of Lieutenant William Bradley of HMS Sirius. 1786 - 1792
An Historical Journal 1787 - 1792. Captain John Hunter.
An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales. David Collins.
Sydney's First Four Years. Captain Watkin Tench.
The Journal of Philip Gidley King: Lieutenant, R. N. 1787 - 1790.
Australian Almanac and General Directory. 1835.
Francis Greenway: His Life and Times. M. H. Ellis 1953.
Lachlan Macquarie: His Life, Adventures, and Times. M. H. Ellis. 1952.
Memoirs of William Cox.
Australian Colonial Architecture. Philip Cox / Clive Lucas. 1978.
The Oxford History of Australia. Vol. 2, 1770 - 1860. Jan Kociumbas.
The Battle of Vinegar Hill. Lynette Ramsey Silver. Doubleday. 1989.
The Toongabbie Story. Doris Sargeant. 1975.
History of Kellyville 1788 - 1983. Fr. Marius Galea.
Times of Crisis: Epidemics in Sydney 1788 - 1900. P. H. Curson. 1985.
When the Sky Fell Down. Keith Willey. 1979.
Pemulwuy. The Rainbow Warrior. Eric Willmot. 1991.
The Age of Macquarie. James Broadbent and Joy Hughes. 1992.
The Coming of the Strangers. Baiba Berzins. 1988.
A Difficult Infant: Sydney Before Macquarie. Graeme Aplin. 1988.
Baulkham Hills: "A District Second to None". Pam Trimmer.
A Short History of "Bella Vista". J. A. Pearce. 1981.
Parramatta - the cradle city of Australia. Frances Pollon.1983.
The Beginning of the Hills District. The Hills District Historical Society. 1987.
Exploring the Hawkesbury. R. Ian Jack. 1986.
Exploring the Blue Mountains. M. E. Hungerford & J. K. Donald. 1982.
Castle Hill Archeological Report 1981. Judy Birmingham. Heritage Council Research Study.
Historical and Archeological Investigation of Thompson Square, Windsor, NSW. Edward Higginbotham. July, 1986 for Hawkesbury Shire Council.
Windsor Barracks - The Guardhouse. Kate Holmes. Australian Society for Historical Archeology. 1979.
Rouse Hill House and the Rouses. Caroline Rouse Thornton. 1988.
Early Days of Windsor N.S. Wales. Jas. Steele. 1916.
A History of Scheyville. Rex and Linda Stubbs. 1983.
Hawkesbury Benevolent Society and Hospital - 1818 - 1947. D.G. Bowd.
Those Were the Days. J.C. Fitzpatrick. 1923.
When We Were Boys Together. J.C. Fitzpatrick.
Old Memories. William Freame. 1918.
Reports of the Hawkesbury Benevolent Society. 1837 - 1845.
Bowman Cottage Historical Study 1982. J.H. Winston-Gregson.
Bowman Cottage Excavation Report 1983. J.H. Winston-Gregson.
Australian Country Life. Hawkesbury Centenary Celebration. 1818 - 1910.
Early Records of the Macarthurs of Camden. S. Macarthur-Onslow. 1914.This article is published with the kind permission of Cr Rex Stubbs, Mayor of Hawkesbury City Council 2000 and President of The Hawkesbury Historical Society.
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